Garaman

Editors: Eko Bastiawan, Arlo Griffiths.

Identifier: DHARMA_INSIDENKGaraman.

Language: Old Javanese.

Repository: Nusantara Epigraphy (tfc-nusantara-epigraphy).

Version: (45be57c), last modified (e0c683b).

Edition

⟨Page 1r⟩

⟨Page 1v⟩⟨left: 1⟩ ⟨1v1⟩ || || svasti śaka-varṣātĭta, 975, śravaṇa-māsa, tīthī, Aṣṭami śukla-pakṣa, pā, va, ca, vāra, juluṁ, A⟨1v2⟩nurădha-nakṣatra, mit⟦e⟧⟨⟨ra⟩⟩-devata, vavā-karaṇa, grahacāra băyyabyastha, mahendra-maṇḍala, Irika divaśany ā⟨1v3⟩jñā pāduka śrī mahārāja, rake halu, Umiṅsor· Iri taṇḍa rakryān· ri pakira-kiran· makabehan·, ⟨1v4⟩ rakryān· jasun· vuṅkal· pu gudir·, rakryān· sraṅan· pu Utiṁ, rakryān· kanuruhan· pu raṇa-sthira-ma¡ṇa!⟨māna⟩-ripu⌇⟨1v5⟩kulāntaka, kumonakən· Irikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, thāni vatək· Air thāni, padamlakna saṁ hyaṅ ājñā ha⟨1v6⟩ji praśāsti, sambandha, Ikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, mampak-ampak· manambah i lbuniṁ pāduka śrī mahārāja, maṁhyaṁ ⟨1v7⟩ I knohanyan· sumĭma thāninya, kapaṅgīha kalilirananiṁ vka-vetnya mne hləm· ri dlāhaniṁ dlāha, ma{ṅ}kanimita ⟨1v8⟩ saṅkā ri manastǎpanikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, tan kasambut· svakarmmanya ri kahambəknya⟨,⟩ nyan· deniṁ tan pă⌇⟨2r1⟩ntaran ¿tikanə?⟨təkani⟩ ḍataṁnikan⟦ə⟧⟨⟨aṁ⟩⟩ śatru, tan· hana saṅkaniṁ paṁṅhuniṁṅānya ri kāyadhara, ṅuniveḥ sădhunyan· ⌇ ⟨2r2⟩ tumaṅga-t¿u?⟨a⟩ṅga ri ḍataṁnikanaṁ śatru, maṅkana rasani panəmbaḥnikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān· I pāduka śrī ma⟨2r3⟩hārāja, kunaṁ saṅkā ri mahābhărani ¿kāyatna?⟨kāyotsā⟩hanikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, ma{ṅ}kanimitta pinakahujuṁ-ka§⟨2r4⟩raṁ pamiṅgir· vaṁklaṁni matiṅkaḥ ¿bubuhan·?⟨babahan·⟩, ⟨n⟩dan lot· kahudanan kapveyan· makadadaḥ sarintənya mamrihakən· I lbuniṁ ⟨2r5⟩ pāduka śrī mahārāja hane garuṁ, mapalah-ala⟨han lāva⟩an· kakanirā hāji p¿ā?⟨aṁ⟩jalu, An· pratisarā juga Ikanaṁ karamān· I⟨2r6⟩ṅ garamān·, bhakti mamrihakən· ri samarakăryya sari-sari, tumut· saḍataṁniṁ ¿pa?⟨sal⟩maḥ-vukirnikanaṁ śatru, Ika ¿kottāmaṁniṁ?⟨kottamaniṁ⟩ ⌇ ⟨2r7⟩ pamriḥni{ṁ}kanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, Ikā maṅkanā ya tikănuvuhakən· pŭrvvaR̥ṇăsamā-samā I śrī mahārāja, he⌇⟨2r8⟩tuni turuni kăruṇya śrī mahārāja, I sapaṁhyaṁnikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, makacihnan· vineḥ Ikanaṁ karamān· ⌇ ⟨Page 2v⟩⟨left: 2⟩ ⟨2v1⟩ Iṅ garamān·, makmītana saṁ hyaṅ ājñā hāji praśāsti tinaṇḍa garasakan·, Umagəhakna Ikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamā⌇⟨2v2⟩n·, An· I⟨na⟩nugrahan· sumĭma thāninya, mantən· matahila drabya haji riṁ pakna-kna, kevalā sīma sv⟦i⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩tantra ju⟨ga⟩ parṇnaḥnya, ⟨2v3⟩ kapagəhaknanyā tka ri dlāhaniṁ dlāha, tka ri santăna pratisantă⟨na⟩nya, tan kolah-ulaha deniṁ vineḥ Air thāni tka ri piṅhai vahu⟨2v4⟩ta rāma, ¿U?⟨ṅu⟩nivaiḥ saṅ anagata prabhu, Apan· sampu¿nya?⟨n·⟩ pagəḥnyănugraha pāduka śrī mahārāja, Irikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ ga⟨2v5⟩ramān·, An· sumĭma thāninya, mantən· kaparābyăpāra deni nāyaka vineḥ Air thāni, kunaṁ sadrabya-hāji¿nya I?⟨ni⟩kanaṁ kara⟨2v6⟩mān· Iṅ garamān·, ya Ikā saṅkanani śivacaru sakinabhaktyanikanaṁ karamān· ri lāgi, mantən· tekanaṁ karamān· Iṅ ga⌇⟨2v7⟩ramān· thāni vatək· Air thāni, kevalā sīmā svatantra juga parṇnaḥnya, tan katamana deniṁ vinava sa⟨ṁ⟩ mana⟨k·⟩ katriṇi, paṅkur· ⟨2v8⟩ , tavān·, tirip·, mvaṁ saprakăra saṁ maṅilā⟨la⟩ drabya haji, vulu-vulu ri daṅū, makădi miśra para miśra, paṅuraṁ, kriṁ, paḍəm· ⟨3r1⟩ , manimpiki, paranakan·, limus galuḥ, pinīṅlai, kataṅgaran·, suṅgi⟨ṁ⟩, paṅunəṅan·, taji, vatu tajəm·, sukun· ⟨3r2⟩ , Alu varak·, rakasaṁ, ramānaṁ, tapa ¿ta?⟨ha⟩ji, Air hāji, malandaṁ, L̥ca, lab-lab·, kutak·, taṅkil·, tr̥pan·, sa⌇⟨3r3⟩lyut·, pamaṇikan·, maniga, maṅhuryy aṅilăla, vatu valaṁ, tirvan·, rumban·, sikpan·, vilaṁ thāni, viji ka⟨3r4⟩vaḥ, t¿a?⟨i⟩ṅkəs·, mavi, manambaṅi, taṅhiran·, kipaḥ, tuhañ judi, tuhan daga⟨ṁ⟩, tuha⟨n⟩ nambi, juru gosali, juru jalir·, ⟨3r5⟩ juru huñjman·, ma⟨ṁ⟩rum⟨b⟩ai, ma⟨ṁ⟩guñjai, pab¿ə?⟨i⟩sar·, paguluṁ, pavuṅkunuṁ, pakalaṅkaṁ, Urutan·, dampulan·, tpuṁ kavuṁ, suṁsu⟨ṁ⟩ pa§⟨3r6⟩ṅuraṁ, sipat vilut·, vuṅku⟨,⟩ paṅin-aṅin·, pamavaśya, tampə sirir·, hopan·, skar tahun·, ¿śariyan·?⟨garihan·⟩, pavlaṁ-vlaṁ·, panraṅan·, pa⌇⟨3r7⟩{pa}bayai, pacumbi, paprāyaścittā, pakikis·, pavlit·, pali⟨ḥ⟩ kuvu, paniga⟨ṁ⟩-blaḥ, paḍva-mās·, pana-mās·, pana-kupa⟨ṁ⟩, ⌇ ⟨3r8⟩ ¿paṁrāmā nivur·?⟨paṁrāmā, Avur·⟩, patikəl haṅgas·, vl¿aṁ?⟨i⟩ haR̥ṁ, vl¿aṁ?⟨i⟩ vaduṁ, vli hapū, vli pañjut·, vidu maṅiduṁ, miśr⟦i⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩ h¿a?⟨i⟩no, miśrāṅin-aṅin· ⟨Page 3v⟩⟨left: 3⟩ ⟨3v1⟩ , pobhaya, pakarāpa, pacandana, pavuluṁ-vuluṁ, kḍi, valyan·, hulu{ṁ}n haji, jəṅgi, siṅg¿i?⟨a⟩ḥ, pamr̥ṣi, vatək i jro Ityevamadi ⟨3v2⟩ kabeḥ, tan tamā ta ya Irikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, ⟨karamān· Iṅ garamān·⟩ Ataḥ kevalā juga pramāṇa I sadrabya-hajinya kabeḥ, mvaṁ suka⟨3v3⟩duḥkanya magəṁ maḍmit·, kady aṅganiṁ mayaṁ tan pavvaḥ, valu rumambat i na/ta\r·, vipati, vaṅkai kabunan·, rāḥ kasavur i ⌇ ⟨3v4⟩ havan·, duhilatən·, hidu kasirat·, săhasa, vākcapala, hastacapala, Amijilakən· vuryyaniṁ kikir·, mamuk· ⟨3v5⟩ , mamu⟨ṁ⟩paṁ, ludan·, tutan·, Aṅśa pratyaṅśa, ḍəṇḍa kuḍəṇḍa, maṇḍihalādi, tan tama Irikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān· ⟨3v6⟩ juga⟨, karamān· Iṅ garamān·⟩ Ataḥ pramăṇa sadrabya-hājinya kabeḥ, tka ri miśra mañəmbul·, maña¿k?⟨v⟩riṁ, maṅlakha, mañarub·, maṅgumaraṁ, maṁluruṁ, ⟨3v7⟩ {,} maṅubar·, masam-asam·, mavanija, ¿mañjun·?⟨maṅdyūn·⟩, mamahat·, madāməl kisi, mam{b}ubut·, maṅanam-anam·, magave payuṁ vlu ⟨3v8⟩ , ruṅki, mopi⟨ḥ⟩, mamisaṇḍu⟨ṁ⟩ manuk·, ma⟨ṁ⟩jari⟨ṁ⟩, manaṁkəb·, mamulaṁ vlut·, tke varggā kilalan·, kli⟨ṁ⟩, Ăryya, colika, ma⌇⟨4r1⟩lyăla, karṇnăṭaka, Avaṁ, mambaṁ, ḍa{ḥ}yaṁ, bikaṁ, kəmir·, Uñjman·, senăm(ukha), varahan·, mapaḍahi, tari¿ban·?⟨mba⟩, matapu⌇⟨4r2⟩kan·, Ariṅgit·, Asī⟨ṁ⟩ mākavarggā ya, Asīṁ sapravr̥t¿yinya?⟨tinya⟩, sadeśa saṅkananya, yan umuṅgv irikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·,⟨4r3⟩Ikanaṁ varggā sīma Iṅ garamān· juga pramăṇa I sasukāduḥkanya kabeḥ, maṅkana rasany ājñā pāduka śrī mahārāja, tlas· ka⟨4r4⟩R̥ṅə deni¿ta?⟨ka⟩naṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, kunəṅ kinavnaṅakən· Ikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, yan paṅivu rare su⟨ta⟩kadi, ⟨4r5⟩ Ajnva kanaka, Ajnva halaṁ, Askara, Amagutā pajə(ṁ), kadut jəṁ, Aprāśā vataṁ, prāśāṁṅgi, paśiliḥ galuḥ, Aririṅa banantən·, Avi⟨4r6⟩danăga banantən·, Aṅaṁgva vali salvirniṁ vali, navāgraha, makădi năgapuspa, Apalaṅkaha binubut·, Amaṅana salvirniṁ rā⌇⟨4r7⟩jāmăṅśa, baḍavaṁ, vuṅku¿l?⟨ṇ⟩us·, vḍus· guntiṁ, karuṁ puliḥ, Asu tugəl·, Iv¿āt?⟨ak⟩ taluvaḥ, Amaṅana ri bale, Aririṅa banantə⟨4r8⟩n·, Asumpiṅa tuñjuṁ śasivak·, kunə⟨ṁ⟩ Inubhāyakən· I lbuni pāduka śrī mahārāja, mapadagaṅanikanaṁ sīma Iṅ garamā⟨4v1⟩n·, bhakulan· rvaṁ sara, pucaṁ səR̥ḥ rvaṁ sar⟦u⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩, L̥ṅā luruṅan· rvaṁ sara, sesiniṁ rāva rvaṁ sara, Asəm· rvaṁ sar⟦va⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩, kapas· rvaṁ sa⟨4v2⟩ra, Aṅalapā baṇḍa riṁ deśā dŭra lyan·, madodola ri siri⟨ṁ⟩nya, tan kasapa deni ba¡n!⟨ṇ⟩igr¡ă!⟨ā⟩ma, para vulu sapañcadeśa, ⟨4v3⟩ An· hapaṇḍe vsi rvaṁ gusali, Apaṇḍ⟨⟨e⟩⟩ tāmbra rvaṁ gusali, Apaṇḍe ḍaḍap· rvaṁ gusali, Alukis· rvaṁ pājaran·, kunəṁ yan hana humu⌇⟨4v4⟩lah-ulaḥ kasvatantranikanaṁ sīma Iṅ garamān·, yan saṅkānani pramădanya, salvirniṁ laṅ¡gaṇa!⟨ghana⟩ ri saṁ hyaṁṅ ājñā haji, lvirany⟦i⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩, kaknanā ya ni⟨4v5⟩graha, kā 2, ma sū 10, At:hər salvirniṁ pañcapătaka bhuktinya riṅ ihā{s}tra paratra, Avuka tan· tmva sama, I ¿śaka, sahāśra?⟨sakasahasra⟩ janma la⌇⟨4v6⟩vasanyambhuktya jagat-upadrava, kunəṁ pratyekānikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, U⟨ma⟩ṅkvakən· saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji praśāsti kmita ⟨4v7⟩ nanikanaṁ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, sapasuk sīma kabeḥ, bapa tumbak·, kaki sapaO, kaki byuṅan·, kaki Uyaḥ,,

Apparatus

⟨1v1⟩ -varṣātĭta ⬦ -varṣātīta B T. — ⟨1v1⟩ tīthī ⬦ tithi B T. — ⟨1v1⟩ Aṣṭami ⬦ Aṣtami B T. — ⟨1v1⟩ pā B ⬦ om T.

⟨1v2⟩ -nakṣatra B ⬦ -naksatra T.

⟨1v3⟩ pakira-kiran· B ⬦ pakira-kirān· T.

⟨1v4⟩ -ma¡ṇa!⟨māna⟩-ripu ⬦ maṇa-ripu B; maṇa-rīpu T • Boechari noted: “We think that the original text had maṅhuri instead of maṇari”. Boechari’s argument is no longer tenable now that the corresponding passage of Sumengka (2C) had been deciphered.

⟨1v6⟩ lbuniṁ T ⬦ lbuni B.

⟨1v7⟩ kapaṅgīha T ⬦ kapaṅgiha B. — ⟨1v7⟩ ma{ṅ}kanimita ⟨1v8⟩ saṅkā ri manastǎpanikanaṁ ⬦ maṅkanimita saṅkā ri manastǎpanikanaṁ B T • The parallel passage in Horren (2r4) reads maṅkanamittā maṅkana manastăpanikāṁ. The words makanimitta and saṅkā ri have the same meaning. In Old Javanese, redundant expressions are common enough. While in case that this was really what the original inscription had, one would have expected makanimitta saṅkā ri to occur more often, the Horren variant is not more plausible, because the combination makanimitta maṅkana is also not attested anywhere else.

⟨1v8⟩ kahambəknya⟨,⟩ nyan· ⬦ kahambəknyanyan· B; kahambəknyanyāṅ T • Boechari noted: “The syllable nya is written twice here; the correct form is kahambəknyan”. However, based on the parallel in Horren (2r5 ri kahāmbəknya, nyan· deni tan pāntara hakirim· tkani śatru, tātan· hana saṅkani ...), his interpretation of this line needs to be revised. — ⟨1v8⟩ nyan· deniṁ tan pă⌇⟨2r1⟩ntaran ¿tikanə?⟨təkani⟩ ḍataṁnikan⟦ə⟧⟨⟨aṁ⟩⟩ śatru ⬦ nyan· de ni tan pa(2r1)ntaran tikanə ḍataṁnikanə śatru B; nyāṁ deniṁ tanpā(2r1)ntaran tikanə ḍataṁ nikanə śatru T • The parallel in Horren (2r5) reads nyan· deni tan pāntara hakirim· tkani śatru. On tikanə, Boechari noted: “This is again another error of the engraver of the plates. It is to be supposed that he had intended to write təka ni”. The fact that Boechari spells těka ni means he has not understood that təkani is equivalent to t[um]əkani after conjunction (a)n. On ḍataṁnikanə, he noted: “We can see that the engraver tried to erase the pəpət on the second na, but without much success. He realized that he had to write nikanaṁ”.

⟨2r1⟩ kāyadhara B T • The parallel passage in Horren reads kaharaḍara. The Garaman reading, which can be recognized as the rare Sanskrit word kāyadhara, is to be preferred. — ⟨2r1⟩ sădhunyan· ⌇ ⟨2r2⟩ tumaṅga-t¿u?⟨a⟩ṅga B T ⬦ sădhunyan· tumaṅga-tuṅga T • The parallel in Horren (2r6) reads ṅuniveh an ḍadyan· tumaṅga-taṅga, which is likely a copying mistake from an original that read sādhunyan as here. On -tuṅga, Boechari noted: “The inscription of Horren (Stutterheim 1933) has tumaṅga taṅga in this context. We think that this is the right form. If the root is tuṅga the derived form would be tumuṅga tuṅga”.

⟨2r3⟩ mahābhărani ¿kāyatna?⟨kāyotsā⟩hanikanaṁ ⬦ Cf. Kusambyan (A32) mahābhārani giṇa-kāyotsāhanyan·, Horren (2v1–2) mahăbhărani kahotsăhanikanaṁ. B T • — ⟨2r3⟩ pinakahujuṁ-karaṁ B T • The expression hujuṅ karaṅ is also found in Salingsingan II (1r5–6) paṇḍai tambaga gaṅśa I paṅgumulan· I handanuAn· I kamalagyan· I guluṁ I talaga sapradeśaniṁ maṅhujuṁ-karaṁ taku jati luĪtan· kuniṅan· suṇḍa hujuṁ gaṅgā sakveḥniṁ tumūt· Inatag· mabuAt-hajya I vataṅan·, Horren (2v1–2) kunaṁ saṅkāri mahăbhărani kahotsăhanikanaṁ varggaji I horR̥n·, makanimittā pinakahujuṁ-karaṁ pamiṅgir·, Pupus (2r9–10) sīma prahajyan· paṅurumbigyan· Air bulaṁ kamamvaṅan· taṁkil· hujuṁ karaṁ suṁgiṁ taṁkil· hyaṁ valaṁ salvit·.

⟨2r4⟩ ¿bubuhan·?⟨babahan·⟩ ⬦ bubuhan· B T • Cf. Horren (2v2–3) — ⟨2r4⟩ ⟨n⟩dan ⬦ dan B T • In Horren (2v3), we find the word nitya in this position. — ⟨2r4⟩ lot· kahudanan kapveyan· makadadaḥ sarintənya mamrihakən· I lbuniṁ pāduka śrī mahārāja B ⬦ lot· kahudanan kapveyan· makadadaḥ sarintənyā mamrihakən· I lbuniṁ pāduka śrī mahārāja T • Parallel passages are observed in Horren 2v3–2v4, Bularut 9C, and Adulengen 2r3–2r4.

⟨2r5⟩ mapalah-ala⟨han lāva⟩an· ⬦ mapalaha lan B T • Cf. Wangunambek Ab9. — ⟨2r5⟩ p¿ā?⟨aṁ⟩jalu ⬦ pājalu B; pā⟨ñ⟩jalu T • The word in question is often spelled either pañjalu or paṁjalu. The latter is used more often in the inscriptional records. We imagine that the engraver miscopied paṁ as pā when preparing the tinulad.

⟨2r6⟩ ¿pa?⟨sal⟩maḥ- ⬦ pamaḥ- B T • The parallel found in Horren (2v4) ri samarakăryya sari-sari tumāmaha saḍataṁni salmaḥ-vukir·nikanaṁ śatru suggests that L̥maḥ or salmaḥ is expected instead of pamaḥ. — ⟨2r6⟩ ¿kottāmaṁniṁ?⟨kottamaniṁ⟩ ⬦ kottamaniṁ B; kottāmaṁniṁ T.

⟨2r7⟩ Ikā T ⬦ ika B.

⟨2v1⟩ garamā⌇⟨2v2⟩n· B ⬦ garaman· T.

⟨2v2⟩ sv⟦i⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩tantra ju⟨ga⟩ B ⬦ svitantra ju⟨ru⟩ T.

⟨2v3⟩ kapagəhaknanyā T ⬦ kapagəhaknanya B.

⟨2v4⟩ ¿U?⟨ṅu⟩nivaiḥ ⬦ Univaiḥ B T. — ⟨2v4⟩ pagəḥnyănugraha B T • It would also be possible to edit pagəḥny anugraha and avoid normalization altogether, since we find pagəḥni Anugraha in Talan Cd17. But since the spelling pagəḥnyānugraha is more common, we prefer to assume that this is a case of ā spelled as a. — ⟨2v4⟩ sadrabya-hāji¿nya I?⟨ni⟩kanaṁ ⬦ sadrabya-hajinya Ikanaṁ B; sadrabya-hājinya Ikanaṁ T.

⟨2v7⟩ mana⟨k·⟩ T ⬦ mana B.

⟨2v8⟩ maṅilā⟨la⟩ B T • Boechari noted: “Another haplography is found here; the second la of the word maṅilāla was omitted”. — ⟨2v8⟩ daṅū B ⬦ daṅu T.

⟨3r1⟩ suṅgi⟨ṁ⟩ T ⬦ suṅgi B.

⟨3r2⟩ ramānaṁ T ⬦ ramanaṁ B. — ⟨3r2⟩ ¿ta?⟨ha⟩ji ⬦ haji B; taji T. — ⟨3r2⟩ hāji T ⬦ haji B.

⟨3r4⟩ t¿a?⟨i⟩ṅkəs· B ⬦ taṅkəs· T. — ⟨3r4⟩ tuha⟨n⟩ nambi ⬦ tuha nambi B T.

⟨3r5⟩ ma⟨ṁ⟩rum⟨b⟩ai, T ⬦ marumai B • Boechari noted: “In other inscriptions this word is spelled maṁrumvai”. The word in discussion, in the Janggala–Kadiri corpus, is always spelled either as maṅrumbai or maṅrumbe while marumbai is observed in a tinulad charter called Adulengen (945 Śaka) 3v3. The word maṁrumvai, as suggested by Boechari, is only found in Kalirungan (805 Śaka) 1r5 and its variant reading maṁrumve is observed in Ramwi (804 Śaka) 1r6. — ⟨3r5⟩ ma⟨ṁ⟩guñjai ⬦ maguñjai B T. — ⟨3r5⟩ pab¿ə?⟨i⟩sar· ⬦ pabəsar· B T. — ⟨3r5⟩ suṁsu⟨ṁ⟩ ⬦ suṁsuṁ B T.

⟨3r6⟩ ¿śariyan·?⟨garihan·⟩ ⬦ śariyan· B T • Cf. Talan Ab22 and Pabuharan 4r4. — ⟨3r6⟩ pa⌇⟨3r7⟩{pa}bayai B ⬦ papabayai T • Boechari noted: “This word is usually spelled pabayai and not papabayai. The engraver apparently forgot that he already had written the pa at the end of the preceding line”.

⟨3r7⟩ pali⟨ḥ⟩ kuvu B ⬦ pali kuvu T • Cf. Hantang Cd18, Jepun Cd15. — ⟨3r7⟩ paniga⟨ṁ⟩-blaḥ B ⬦ paniga-blaḥ T • Cf. Sumengka 13C, Hantang Cd18, Talan Ab23, Jepun Cd15. — ⟨3r7⟩ pana-kupa⟨ṁ⟩ B ⬦ panakupa T • Cf. Warunggahan 10r2.

⟨3r8⟩ ¿paṁrāmā nivur·?⟨paṁrāmā, Avur·⟩ ⬦ paṁrāmā nivur· B T • Cf. Baru (Abe24), Pandaan (B12), Barsahan (1r4) and Talan (Ab22). — ⟨3r8⟩ vl¿aṁ?⟨i⟩ haR̥ṁ, vl¿aṁ?⟨i⟩ vaduṁ B T • Boechari noted: “The correct forms are vli harəṁ and vli vaduṁ. We cannot say why the engraver spelled these words with an anusvāra, whereas the two following words were correctly written vli hapu and vli pañjut”. — ⟨3r8⟩ miśr⟦i⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩ h¿a?⟨i⟩no B T • Boechari noted: “The correct form is miśra hino. One can see efforts to erase the ulu on the śra, but the engraver still forgot to add an ulu on the ha”.

⟨3v1⟩ siṅg¿i?⟨a⟩ḥ ⬦ siṅgiḥ B T • Boechari noted: “In other inscriptions this word is spelled siṅgaḥ”.

⟨3v2⟩ karamān· Iṅ garamān·, ⟨karamān· Iṅ garamān·⟩ ⬦ karamān· Iṅ garamān· B T.

⟨3v3⟩ kabunan· B ⬦ kabūnan· T.

⟨3v5⟩ karamān· Iṅ garamān· ⟨3v6⟩ juga⟨, karamān· Iṅ garamān·⟩ ⬦ karamān· Iṅ garamān· juga B T • The problematic text, also found in 3v2, can only be solved by assuming omission of what would have been repeated strings of text. Unfortunately, we have not found any precise parallels for the presumed repetitive text strings in combination with juga/atah.

⟨3v6⟩ maña¿k?⟨v⟩riṁ ⬦ mañakriṁ B T • Boechari noted: “This word is usually spelled mañavriṁ in other inscriptions”.

⟨3v7⟩ ¿mañjun·?⟨maṅdyūn·⟩ ⬦ mañjun· B T • Cf. Alasantan (1r16–17) mañambul·, mañavriṁ, maṁlākha, maṅapus· maṅubar·, matarub·, maṅgula, maṁdyūn·, manūla vuṅkuḍu, maṁluruṁ, mapahaṅan·, magavai ruṅki, payuṁ vəlū, mopiḥ, Anjatan (3r11) maṁdyūn·, mañarub·, mañambul·, mañavriṁ, maṁlā(kh)a, mamahaṁ, mamuṁkuḍu, manūla-vuṁkuḍu. — ⟨3v7⟩ mam{b}ubut· ⬦ mambubut· B T.

⟨3v8⟩ ma⟨ṁ⟩jari⟨ṁ⟩ ⬦ majari B T • Titi Surti Nastiti suggested reading maṅavari but we think that a form derived from the base jariṅ is expected, because it is observed in this context in several inscriptions of the Majapahit period, namely Adan-Adan 11v2 manavaṁ, manaṅkəb·, Añjariṁ, mamisaṇḍuṁ manuk·; Balawi 7v3 mami/sa\ṇḍu(ṁ) manuk·, mañjariṁ, manaṅkəb·, manavaṁ; Warunggahan 10v4 Amisaṇḍuṁ manuk·, Añjariṁ, Anaṅkəb·; Tuhanyaru 7r5 Añjariṁ, Anəpis·, Anavaṁ, Amisaṇḍuṁ manuk·, Anaṅkəb·. Particularly, the form maṅjariṅ that we restore occurs in the same context in the Majapahit-period Old Javanese legal code called Pūrvādhigama (14.3) magave kisi, vusu-vusu, payuṅ vlū, mopih, paṅanam-anam, ruṅki, manipah, magave surviṅ, maṅjariṅ, manavaṅ, manaṅkəb, maṅrajut, mamisaṇḍuṅ manuk, makala-kala. But the formulaics seems to predate the Majapahit period. See Bimalasrama 8v2–3.

⟨4r1⟩ ḍa{ḥ}yaṁ ⬦ ḍaḥyaṁ B T • Cf. R̥ṣiśāsana 6.1 ḍayaṅ, bikaṅ, havaṅ, mambaṅ, jəṅgi, and 8.2 havaṅ, mambaṅ, ḍayaṅ, bikaṅ, jəṅgi. A similar case can perhaps be observed in the Kaladi charter 7r6 where the expected word ḍayaṁ is replaced by ḍaṁ huAn·.

⟨4r2⟩ Asī⟨ṁ⟩ B T • Boechari noted: “This word has to be written asiṁ. Instead of an anusvāra outside the ulu the engraver made a dot within it, so that one has to read it as asī”. — ⟨4r2⟩ mākavarggā B ⬦ makavarggā T. — ⟨4r2⟩ sapravr̥t¿yinya?⟨tinya⟩ B ⬦ sapravr̥tyinya T • Boechari noted: “The correct form is sapravr̥ttinya”.

⟨4r3⟩ sasukāduḥkanya T ⬦ sasukāduḥkanya B.

⟨4r4⟩ -ni¿ta?⟨ka⟩naṁ ⬦ -nikanaṁ B; -nitanaṁ T. — ⟨4r4⟩ su⟨ta⟩kadi ⬦ sukadi T B • The expected word sūtakādi is found in two Singasari-period charters, namely Madawapura (7r3) and Patitihan (7v1) as well as in four Majapahit-period inscriptions, namely Adan-Adan (14r2), Tuhanyaru (8r3), Geneng II (22C), and Waringin Pitu (13r2–3). It seems that the tinulad has been manipulated here.

⟨4r5⟩ prāśāṁṅgi T ⬦ prāsaṁṅgi B. — ⟨4r5⟩ Aririṅa banantən· T ⬦ maririṅa banantən· B • The same expression is repeated in 4r7–4r8. It is commonly found following the words rājamāṅsa as observed in three inscriptions of the Janggala–Kadiri period, namely Malenga (3r1), Kambang Putih (B16), and Banjaran (5r1). Its presence in this context might be intrusive

⟨4r6⟩ Aṅaṁgva T ⬦ Anaṁṅgva B.

⟨4r7⟩ vuṅku¿l?⟨ṇ⟩us· ⬦ vuṅkulus· B T • Cf. Kusambyan B29, Warunggahan 11v3. For more on this word, see Titi Surti Nastiti et al. [2023] 2022, p. 194 — ⟨4r7⟩ Iv¿āt?⟨ak⟩ ⬦ Ivat B; Ivak T • Boechari noted: “The word Ivak is here written as Ivat”.

⟨4r8⟩ lbuni B ⬦ lbuniṁ T.

⟨4v2⟩ Aṅalapā T ⬦ Aṅalapa B. — ⟨4v2⟩ tan kasapa deni ba¡n!⟨ṇ⟩igr¡ă!⟨ā⟩ma, para vulu sapañcadeśa B T • The expression tan kasapa deni, observed in Panumbangan (Ab15–16, 18) and Bameswara (Cd4–6), is probably an original element of the charter. For discussion of the phrase baṇigrāma para vulu pañcadeśa, see Titi Surti Nastiti et al. [2023] 2022, pp. 154–155.

⟨4v4⟩ kaknanā T ⬦ kaknana B. — ⟨4v4⟩ laṅ¡gaṇa!⟨ghana⟩ ⬦ laṅgaṇa B; lāṅgaṇa T. — ⟨4v4⟩ nigraha B T • Titi Surti Nastiti suggested to read nugraha which is misleading as the word nigraha is commonly found in this context.

⟨4v5⟩ ihā{s}tra paratra ⬦ ihastra B; ihāstra T • Boechari noted: “Another error of the engraver is found here for the word ihatra, which is spelled ihastra”. — ⟨4v5⟩ tan B ⬦ taṅ T. — ⟨4v5⟩ ¿śaka, sahāśra?⟨sakasahasra⟩ ⬦ śaka, sahaśra B; śaka, sahāśra T.

⟨4v6⟩ U⟨ma⟩ṅkvakən· B ⬦ Uṅkvakən· T • Cf. Sumengka 24d, Kambang Putih B20 and B22.

⟨4v5⟩ sapaO B ⬦ sapaṇda T.

Translation

(1v1–2) Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 975, month of Śravaṇa, eighth tithi, waxing fortnight, Paniron, Vage, Monday, [the vuku being] Juluṅ, lunar mansion Anuradha, the deity Mitra, the karaṇa Vava, the grahacāra being in the north-west, the maṇḍala Mahendra.

(1v2–6) That was the time when the decree of His Majesty the Great King, the Lord of Halu1, came down to all the high functionaries (taṇḍa rakryān) in the council, (namely) the Lord of Jasun Vuṅkal (called) pu Gudir, the Lord of Sraṅan (called) pu Utiṅ, the Lord of Kanuruhan (called) pu raṇa-sthira-māna-ripu-kulāntaka (‘destroyer of the families of enemies conceited as to their firmness in battle’). It gave an order with regard to the community in Garamān, a village of the district Air Thāni, that a holy royal decree in the form of a royal edict (haji praśasti) be made.

(1v6–2r2) The occasion: the community in Garamān, rank upon rank, paid respect to His Majesty the Great King, begging that it would be proper to make their village into a sīma so that it would be obtained as inheritance by their descendants now [and] hereafter up to the future’s future, for the reason, because of the downheartedness of the community in Garamān whose services were not carried out as they intended,2 namely the way in which they uninterruptedly marched against the coming of the enemy, without first (? tan hana saṅkaniṅ)3 paying attention to their armor (kāyadhara),4 all the more so, the virtuousness of (sādhunyan) standing firmly against the coming of the enemy.

(2r2–2v4) Such was the substance of the petition of the community in Garaman to His Majesty the Great King. Now, because of the great weight of the physical effort of the community in Garaman, for reason of being an outpost (hujuṅ karaṅ), a frontier zone [and] a lock (vaṅkəlaṅ)5 for regulating the gate, that is (ndan), they were steadfast [despite being] exposed to rain and sun, putting their lives at stake in exerting themselves for His Majesty the Great King, when he was present in Garuṅ,6 engaged in fierce combat with his elder brother, the king of Paṅjalu, when the community in Garaman were the very front line, devotedly exerting themselves in continuous war, following [the king] upon the arrival of all rank and file of the enemy. That was the eminence of the exertion of the community in Garaman. This being the case, it caused an incomparable (asama-sama) feeling of indebtedness (pūrva-r̥ṇa) on the part of His Majesty the Great King. [Such was] the reason [that] the sympathy of the Great King descended to the entire request of the community in Garaman. Its visible sign was that the community in Garaman was allowed to keep in custody a holy royal decree sealed with “Garasakan”. [The status of] the community in Garaman was to be considered irrevocable insofar as it was granted [the right] to make its village into a sīma. It ceased delivering (matahila) royal revenue for the pakəna-kəna.7 Its status would be an independent sīma exclusively, to be considered by them as irrevocable into the future’s future, including their descendants in continuous succession, not to be disturbed by those who have been given Air Thāni (as fief), including the piṅhais, vahutas, [and] headmen, all the more so by the future kings.

(2v4–3v2) Because of the irrevocability of the grant of His Majesty the Great King to the community in Garaman that they make their village into a sīma, It ceased to be interfered with by the nāyakas who have been given Air Thāni (as fief). As for its entire royal revenue, the community in Garaman, it would be the resource for the śivacaru as per the traditional worship of the community. The community in Garaman ceased to be a village of district Air Thāni. Its status would be that of an exclusively independent sīma, not to be entered by the subordinates of the three high dignitaries: the Paṅkur, the Tavan and the Tirip, and all those who previously had a claim on royal revenue [from] the occupational groups, beginning with the various Miśras, the paṅuraṅ, the kriṅ, the paḍəm, the manimpiki, the paranakan, the limus galuḥ, the piniṅlai, the kataṅgaran, the suṅgi, the paṅunəṅan, the taji, the vatu tajəm, the sukun, the halu varak, the rakasaṅ, the ramānaṅ, the tapa haji, the air hāji, the malandaṅ, the ləca, the lab-lab, the kutak, the taṅkil, the trəpan, the salyut, the pamaṇikan, the maniga, the maṅhury aṅilāla, the vatu valaṅ, the tirvan, the rumban, the sikpan, the vilaṅ thāni, the viji kavah, the tiṅkəs, the mavi, the manambaṅi, the taṅhiran, the kipah, the master of gambling, the master of commerce, the master of the Nambi, the master of smiths, the master of harlots, the master of the Huñjaman, the maṅrumbai, the maṅguñjai, the pabisar, the paguluṅ, the pavuṅkunuṅ, the pakalaṅkaṅ, the urutan, the dampulan, the təpuṅ kavuṅ, the suṅsuṅ paṅuraṅ, the sipat vilut, the vuṅku, the paṅin-aṅin, the pamavaśya, the tampə sirir, the hopan, the səkar tahun, the garihan, the pavəlaṅ-vəlaṅ, the panraṅan, the pabayai, the pacumbi, the paprāyaścittā, the pakikis, the pavəlit, the palih kuvu, the panigaṅ-blaḥ, the paḍva-mās, the pana-mās, the pana-kupaṅ, the paṅrāmā, the avur, the patikəl haṅgas, the vəlaṁ harəṅ, the vəlaṅ vaduṅ, the vəli hapū, the vəli pañjut, the singing actors, the miśra hino, the miśrāṅin-aṅin, the pobhaya, the pakarāpa, the pacandana, the pavuluṅ-vuluṅ, the eunuchs, the healers, the royal servants, the jəṅgi, the siṅgaḥ, the pamrəṣi, all of the courtiers, and so forth — they shall not enter the community in Garaman. Only [the community in Garaman] shall have the authority over all of their royal revenue exclusively.

(3v2–3v6) Likewise all the [fines to be imposed for] ‘pain and relief’ (sukha-duḥkha), great or small, such as:

mayaṅ tan pavvah
areca-blossom without betelnut
valu rumambat i natar
gourd vines that grow in the courtyard
vipati
untimely death
vaṅkai kabunan
a corpse covered with dew
rāh kasavur i havan
blood spattered on the road
duhilatən
slander
hidu kasirat
spittle that is sprayed
sāhasa
violence
vākcapala
rash speech
hasta-capala
rash acts with the hand
amijilakən vuryyaniṅ kikir
producing the trace of a file
mamuk
attacking in fury
mamuṅpaṅ
rape
ludan
repeated attack
tutan
stalking
aṅśa pratyaṅśa
apportioning of shares
ḍəṇḍa kuḍəṇḍa
punishment and wrongful punishment
maṇḍihala
poisons of all sort,
and such like: they should not enter the community in Garaman. It is only [the community in Garaman] who shall have the authority over all of their royal revenue.

(3v6–3v8) This includes miśras who:

mañəmbul
process black dyestuffs
mañavriṅ
process (red) cawring dye
maṅlakha
process (brownish red) lākha dye
mañarub
make sheds
maṅgumaraṅ
make or prepare cloth (?)
maṅluruṅ
make castor-oil
maṅubar
make red dye
masam-asam
?
mavanija
?
maṅdyūn
make pots
mamahat
tap (palm-sap)
madaməl kisi
make basket works
mamubut
produce turnery
maṅanam-anam
weave fabric
magave payuṅ vlū
make round (?) parasols
ruṅki
make ruṅki baskets
mopih
work upih
mamisaṇḍuṅ manuk
snare birds
maṅjariṅ
catch [birds] with a net
manaṅkəb
catch [birds]
mamulaṅ vlut
bind eels.

(3v8–4r3) It includes the inhabitants from whom revenue may be collected: the South Indians (kliṅ), the North Indians (ārya), those from the Cola country (colika), those from Kerala (malyala), those from Karṇaṭaka, the Avaṅs, the Mambaṅs, the Ḍayaṅs, the Bikaṅs,8 the Khmers, the Huñjamans, the Senāmukhas, the Varahans, the drummers (mapaḍahi), the dancers (tarimba), the Tapuk performers, the wayang performers, to whatever group they belong, whatever be their activity, whatever be their country of origin, if they reside in the community in Garaman, it is only the inhabitants of the sīma in Garaman who have the authority over all of their ⟨payments for⟩ ‘pain and relief’.

(4r3–4r8) Such was the substance of the decree of His Majesty the Great King, that was heard by the community in Garaman. And the community at Garaman was given the privileges of nurturing children from birth, and so on, of using jənu kanaka (gold unguent), of using jənu halaṅ, of wearing flowers, of brandishing a parasol, of wearing kadut on the feet (kadut jə̄ṅ), of making offerings of (the type) vataṅ, of making offerings of (the type) aṅgi, pasilih galuh, to use a decorative fringe of banantən, of using a canopy (viddhanāga) of banantən, of wearing ceremonial dress — all kinds of ceremonial dress, [namely] navagraha, starting with nāgapuṣpa —, of having a palanquin with turnery, of eating all kinds of royal meat — baḍavaṅ turtles, vuṅkunus, a castrated (?) sheep, a gelded boar, a castrated dog, taluvah fish —, of eating in a pavilion, of using a decorative fringe of banantən, of wearing ear ornaments [in the form of a] split lotus.

(4r8–4v6) Further, it was agreed by His Majesty the Great King that [they] may conduct trade activities in the sīma in Garaman, [namely] selling in retail [amounting to] two saras: – betelnuts [and] sirih: two saras, – castor-oil: two saras, – all produce of the marshes: two saras, – tamarind: two saras, – cotton: two saras. [It was also agreed] that [they] may take goods from other villages far away, selling in their bordering areas, without associating with the merchant guilds of the occupational groups of all five directions. Iron smiths: two smithies; copper smiths: two smithies; shield smiths: two smithies, painters: two workshops. But, if there are ones disturbing the independence of the sīma in Garaman, it will become the cause of their [guilt of] negligence. All forms of transgression of the holy royal decree, whatever their kind, will be subjected to a fine in gold of 2 kāṭi and 10 suvarṇa. In addition, suffering from all kinds of five sins will be experienced by them in this world and hereafter. They will rot without finding rest in a thousand births: [such will be] the duration of their experiencing the misfortune in the world.

(4v6–7) And the enumeration of the (members of the) community in Garaman who received the holy royal decree in the form of a royal edict (haji praśasti) to be kept in custody by the community in Garaman, including all its (subsidiary) sīmas was [as follows]: Mister Tumbak, the elder (named) Sapao, the elder (named) Bəyuṅan, the elder (named) Uyah.

Commentary

Bibliography

Primary

[B] Boechari. 2012. “Transkripsi (dan terjemahan) aneka prasasti.” In: Melacak sejarah kuno Indonesia lewat prasasti / Tracing ancient Indonesian history through inscriptions. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia (KPG); Departemen Arkeologi, Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya, Universitas Indonesia; École française d'Extrême-Orient, pp. 473–528. Pages 503–512.

[T] Titi Surti Nastiti. 2003. Pasar di Jawa pada masa Mataram kuna abad VIII-XI Masehi. Jakarta: PT Dunia Pustaka Jaya. Pages 153–157.

Notes

  1. 1. It is very unusual that the name of the king is not fully mentioned here. In 2v1, we find evidence of this king’s association with the emblem of Garasakan, as in the Malenga, Kambang Putih and Turun Hyang charters. It is only in the SumengkaSumengka charter that we find the king’s full name, but that text doesn’t mention Garasakan.
  2. 2. The expression sambut svakarma is a variant of sambut gave. Cf. OJED under the entry sambut and sastra.org under nyambut.
  3. 3. We are assuming tan hana saṅkaniṅ can express the same meaning as OJED masaṅkan, usually in tan pasaṅkan “without having its origin in, without first..., not because of; without demonstrable or clear origin, unexpectedly, suddenly (cf. Skt. akasmāt).”
  4. 4. The word kāyadhara should mean something/someone bearing, possessing, holding, or preserving a body. In the case of soldiers, ‘armor’ suggests itself as a plausible meaning, though we cannot find it in that meaning in Sanskrit texts.
  5. 5. The rare word vaṅkəlaṅ occurs twice in the juridical text Svayambhu, viz. in §214 (kunaṅ yan ahala vaṅkəlaṅnikaṅ kaṇḍaṅ — our translation “closure” may need to be revised to “lock”), and in §349 (pahayun vaṅkəlaṅana ikaṅ umah).
  6. 6. Concerning the toponym Garung, Boechari (1990, pp. 133–134, 140, n. 12/ 2012, pp. 445–446) detailed that the name is still preserved as the name of a village in kecamatan Sambeng, kabupaten Lamongan. He added that in the same village there were fragments of stone inscriptions issued by Airlangga. Some of the fragments were used by workers to build the school, while the rest were transferred to the Museum in Trowulan and Teacher’s Training Institute (IKIP) in Surabaya (see also Machi Suhadi and Richadiana Kartakusuma 1996, pp. 50–51 and Titi Surti Nastiti et al. 2023, pp. 58–59). Supriyo, a Lamongan-based history enthusiast, shared with us that many antiquities can still be seen in desa Garung nowadays. It is also worth noting that the place is not far from the Pamwatan stone also issued by Airlangga.
  7. 7. The rare term pakna-kna occurs also in Narasinghanagara (14v5) ... tan· kneṁ paknaknāgə:ṁṅ admit·, turun-turun· sagə:m sarakut·, bvat hajyan ... In Kediri period charters (Tamparang, Kamulan, Lawadan) we find papinaṅan in this context.
  8. 8. Passages like these, and notably the word ḍayaṅ, are discussed by Clave & Griffiths (2022, pp. 185–186).