Māṁgallu grant of Dānārṇava

Editor: Dániel Balogh.

Identifier: DHARMA_INSVengiCalukya00039.

Languages: Sanskrit, Telugu.

Repository: Eastern Cālukya (tfb-vengicalukya-epigraphy).

Version: (7554ccb), last modified (e18436c).

Edition

Seal

⟨1⟩ śrī-tribhuvanāṁkuśa

Plates

⟨Page 1r⟩
I. Anuṣṭubh

⟨Page 1v⟩ ⟨1⟩ śrī-kāntāyābjanābhāya

a

namo bh¿ū?⟨u⟩vana-rakṣine|

b

vikramā(dh)aḥkr̥tātyugra-

c

-balaye vara-dā⟨2⟩yine|

d

svasti⟨.⟩ śr¿i?⟨ī⟩matāṁ sakala-bh¿ū?⟨u⟩vana-saṁstūyamāna-m¿a?⟨ā⟩navya-sagotrāṇā⟨ṁ⟩¡hāriti!⟨3⟩-putrāṇāṁ kauśik¿i?⟨ī⟩-vara-pras¿a?⟨ā⟩da-labdha-rājyānām mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ sv¿a?⟨ā⟩mi⟨4⟩-mahāsena-pādānu(dh)y¿a?⟨ā⟩tānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-sam(ā)sādi⟨5⟩ta-vara-varāha-lāṁ¿c?⟨ch⟩anekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānām aśvame(dh)ā⟨6⟩vabhr̥(th)a-snāna-pavitr¿i?⟨ī⟩kr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cālukyānāṁ kulam alaṁkari¿ga?⟨ṣno⟩s {saṁtyāśraya-va}⟨7⟩{llabhe(ndra)sya pratā kubja-viṣṇaṣ(ṇu)vi} satyaśrāya-va⟨⟨lla⟩⟩bhendrasya bhrātā kubja-viṣṇuva⟨r⟩ddha⟨Page 2r⟩⟨8⟩no{|} ⟨’⟩ṣṭādaśa varṣāṇi veṁgī-deśam ap¿a?⟨ā⟩layaT| tat-putro jayasiṁha-vallabhas traya⟨9⟩striṁśataṁ| tad-anujendrarājas sapta dināni| tan-nandano viṣṇuvarddhano nava saṁv(v?)a⟨10⟩tsarā(N)| tat-tokam maṁgi-yuvarājaḥ paṁcaviṁśa(r)⟨⟨t⟩⟩i¿ma?⟨M⟩| tad-auraso jayasiṁhas trayodaśa⟨|⟩ ⟨11⟩ tad-⟨d⟩vaim¿a?⟨ā⟩turānujaḥ kok⟨k⟩iliḥ ṣaṇ māsāN| tasya jy¿a?⟨e⟩ṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇuva⟨r⟩ddha⟨12⟩{ddha}nas tam u¿py?⟨cc⟩āṭya saptatriṁśad va⟨r⟩ṣāṇi| tad-¿ā?⟨a⟩patyaṁ vijayāditya-bhaṭṭ¿a?⟨ā⟩rako ⟨’⟩ṣṭā⟨13⟩daśa| tad-ātmajo viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ ṣaṭtriṁśataṁ| tat-tanujo narendra-vijayāditya⟨ḥ⟩ ⟨14⟩ Aṣṭacatvāriṁśataṁ| tat-putra¿ṁ?⟨ḥ⟩ kali-viṣṇuvarddha(no) ⟨’⟩dhyarddha-(varṣaṁ| ta)d-ātmajo gu⟨Page 2v⟩⟨15⟩ṇakkenalla-vijayādityaś catuścatvāriṁśataṁ| tad-anuja-v¿o?⟨i⟩kramāditya-sū⟨16⟩nuś cālukya-bhīmas triṁśataṁ| tat-putraḥ kollabigaṇḍa-vijayādityaḥ ṣa⟨17⟩ṇ māsāN| tat-s¿u?⟨ū⟩nur ammarājas sapta varṣāni| tat-suto ¿bhe?⟨rbha⟩ka-vijayādityaḥ pa⟨18⟩kṣaṁ⟨|⟩ {n}tatas tāḻapa-rājo māsaṁ| taṁ jitvā cālukya-bhīma-tanayo⟨19⟩vikramādityas saṁvatsaraṁ|

II. Āryāgīti

sāmanta-śabara-vallabha-daṇḍāś cā¿ṇ?⟨n⟩y¿a?⟨e⟩ ⟨20⟩ ca bhuvam aluṁpann abdāN

ab

saptā{śa}ntar¿o?⟨e⟩ ⟨’⟩tra malla{ra}pa-rāja⟨ṁ⟩ kr̥ta-paṭṭa-bandham ava⟨21⟩matya balāT|

cd
III. Anuṣṭubh

¡meḻaiṁha!⟨meḻāṁbā⟩-vijayāditya-

a

-nandano bhīma-bhūpatiḥ|

b

tān samastān sa⟨22⟩mutkhāya

c

dvādaśābdān apād bhuvaM|

d
IV. Sragdharā

sūnus tasyāmma-rājas surapati-vibhavaḥ paṭṭa⟨Page 3r⟩⟨23⟩-baddho (dh)(ari)tr¿(i)?⟨ī⟩⟨ṁ⟩

a

rakṣann ekādaśābdā¡ṁ!⟨ñ⟩ jita-ripur agama(t kr̥)ṣṇa-kop(ā)t kaliṁgā¿ṁ?⟨n⟩|

b

tasya ⟨24⟩ dvaimāturaḥ kṣ⟨m⟩āṁ sakala-jana-mu(d)e vallabhād āpta-rājyo

c

bhaimo d{d}ānārṇṇaveśo ⟨25⟩ ⟨’⟩py avati manu-nayād aṁkidevī-tanūjaḥ|

d
V. śārdūlavikrīdita

vaidagdhyaṁ ¡vacadharasya! vāriruha⟨26⟩-saṁbhūtasya bhū-devatā-

a

-¿ś?⟨g⟩rām¿ū?⟨ya⟩tvākalitaṁ kalāsu gaditaṁ vāg-aṁga⟨27⟩nāyā{ḥ} Api|

b

strī-naisa⟨r⟩ggika-cāpalāspadatayā nindā(rha)m ity āda⟨28⟩(d)

c

¿u?⟨ya⟩d-vaidagdhyam alaṁ kalāsu sakalais saṁstūyate sajjanaiḥ|

d
VI. Upendravajrā

sthirāpi ⟨29⟩ śaśvad bhramati trilokīṁ

a

jan¿a?⟨ā⟩nurāgaṁ kurute sitāpi|

b

vicitra-rūpeti s¿e?⟨a⟩⟨30⟩dā vi⟨śi⟩ṣṭai(r)

c

vvicāryyate kī(r)tti-latā yad¿ī?⟨ī⟩yā|

d

sa samasta-bhuvanāśra⟨⟨ya-śrī⟩⟩-vijayā⟨Page 3v⟩⟨31⟩ditya-mahārājā(dh)irāja-param(e)śvara-parama-bhaṭṭ(ā)rakaḥ parama-brahmaṇyo nāta⟨32⟩vāḍi-viṣaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhān kuṭuṁbinas samāhūya ma⟨33⟩⟦tī⟧ntri-purohita-senāpati-yuvarājādy-aṣṭādaśa-tī{E}⟨r⟩tth¿o?⟨ā⟩dhyakṣam ittham ā⟨34⟩j⟨ñ⟩¿a?⟨ā⟩payati|

VII. Āryā

śrī-saṁbhūti-nimitt¿e?⟨aṁ⟩ m¿ū?⟨u⟩{||}ktāphala-pur¿ā?⟨u⟩ṣa-ratna-saṁyuktaṁ|

ab

⟨35⟩ sāma(nta)-vo(ṭṭ/dd)i-saṁjñaṁ k(u)lam ā(s)īj jalanidhi-pratimaṁ|

cd
VIII. Vasantatilakā

tad-vaṁśa-vāri⟨36⟩nidhi-vr̥ddhi-ka¿k?⟨r⟩aḥ karāsi--

a

ni⟨r⟩ddāri-(cāṭa)-ba(la)-vī(ra?)-(bhaṭā?)ndhakāraḥ|

b

Āsī¡t ś!⟨c ch⟩aśā(ṁ)⟨37⟩ka ¿ga?⟨I⟩va guṇḍiya-rāṣṭrakūṭas

c

sa{ṁ}t-pūjya-sat-pa(tha)-gati-pravaṇa-sva{(ḥ)}-vr̥ttaḥ|

d
IX. Upajāti

{śrīmac-ca}⟨38⟩{lukyak(u)}¿bha?⟨ca⟩lukya-vaṁśodita-bhūmipāla-

a

-śrīdvā(ram ic?)¿(c?)?⟨ch⟩ā¿g?⟨n⟩ugataṁ(|?) praviśya

b

n¿a?⟨ā⟩n¿(ū)?⟨yā⟩⟨39⟩(dh)ipa-dvāram a¿ma?⟨haṁ⟩ viśām¿i?⟨ī⟩ty

c

akṣ(e?)ṣṭa vā(ṭaṁ) gata-val(l)abh(e)śaṁ|

d
X. Upendravajrā

samasta-satyādi-gu⟨Page 4r⟩⟨40⟩ṇa-prapannaḥ

a

pa(ro)pa(kā)ra-pravaṇa-¿ph?⟨p⟩rabhāvaḥ|

b

Abhūd arātīn¿th?⟨dh⟩ana-vahnir ugraḥ

c

tad-ā⟨41⟩tmabhūr eṟiya-rāṣṭrakūṭaḥ|

d
XI. Upendravajrā

t¿ū?⟨u⟩raṁgamārohaṇa-kauśal¿a?⟨e⟩na

a

tiras¿(th)a?⟨kr̥⟩tānindita-vatsa ⟨42⟩ ⟨rājaḥ|⟩

b

⟨Abhūt su⟩to betiya-(nāma)¿(p)?⟨dh⟩(e)yas

c

samasta-saṁpan-nilayas tadīya(ḥ|)

d
XII. Anuṣṭubh

tasya śrī-van(d)yanāṁ(bā)(y)¿a?⟨ā⟩m

a

a⟨43⟩bhava{va}d bhava-sannibhaḥ

b

samasta-saṁpan-nilayo

c

guṇḍyanā(ka)khy⟦o⟧⟨⟨aḥ⟩⟩ sutottamaḥ|

d
XIII. Anuṣṭubh

pratāpāya(ti)⟨44⟩tām eti

a

virodhi-timirā(pa)haḥ

b

nityaṁ padmākarārā¡dhdh!y(o)

c

yasya {ga} tejo-vi⟨45⟩roca(naḥ|)

d

tena kākatya-guṇḍyana-nāmadheyena(|) prārtthyamānair asmābhiḥ|

XIV. Anuṣṭubh

(c/v)e(lā)⟨46⟩paṟṟu-mahā-grāma-

a

-vāstavy¿ā?⟨o⟩ vadatāṁ varaḥ|

b

kutsa-gotrābhisaṁbhū⟨to⟩

c

(v)iddamayyaḥ purā⟨47⟩bhavaT|

d
XV. Anuṣṭubh

śrī(dh)arā(ṁ)ghri-dvayāṁbhoja-

a

-sevī śrīdhara-saṁjñayā|

b

viśrutas tat-suto j¿a?⟨ā⟩⟨48⟩t(o)

c

bhūdeva-śrī(dh)ara-śriyā|

d
XVI. Anuṣṭubh

tasyā{ḥ}bhūn mācemāṁbāyā⟨ṁ⟩

a

sūnu⟨r⟩ ddommana-saṁj⟨ñ⟩a⟨Page 4v⟩⟨49⟩kaḥ

b

samasta-¿ś?⟨g⟩u¿no?⟨ṇa⟩-saṁpann¿e?⟨a⟩s

c

sat-sā(dh)u-jana-vatsalaḥ|

d
XVII. Anuṣṭubh

śr(u)ti⟨-smr̥ti⟩-sadācāra-

a

-p¿ra?⟨u⟩r¿o?⟨ā⟩ṇo⟨50⟩dita-vartmani|

b

durāpe ⟨’⟩nyaja{sa}nai⟨r⟩ nnityaṁ

c

yasy-ācā{vi}raḥ pravarttat¡i!⟨e⟩

d
XVIII. Anuṣṭubh

kākartya-gu⟨51⟩ṇḍyanaṁ (vī)ram

a

uddiśyāha¿ppā?⟨ḫpa⟩ti-prabhaṁ|

b

yena ka⟨r⟩ppaṭa(m ābaddhaṁ)

c

t¿ā?⟨a⟩t-prasādābhi⟨52⟩kāṁkṣinā|

d
XIX. Anuṣṭubh

prāta⟨ḥ⟩-snānaṁ ¿b?⟨p⟩ratidinaṁ

a

br¿ā?⟨a⟩hma¿v?⟨c⟩aryya¿c?⟨m⟩ akhaṇḍitaṁ|

b

¿ga?⟨I⟩ty-ādi ye⟨53⟩nācaritaṁ

c

ka¿ppā?⟨rppa⟩ṭi-vratam ādarā(T)

d
XX. Anuṣṭubh

(sa)tyaṁ śaucan dayā dānam

a

anuṣṭhānam u⟨54⟩dāra-dhīḥ¡||!

b

kṣāntis saujanyam ityādi

c

yad-u(pajña)m i(daṁ?) kalau(|)

d

tasm(ai) do¿t?⟨m⟩mana-nāmne⟨55⟩māṁgallu nāma gr(ā)mas sa¿vvā?⟨rvva⟩-kara-parih(ā)reṇa (U)daka-pū⟨r⟩vvam uttarāyaṇa-ni⟨56⟩mitt(e) Agrahārīkr̥ty(ā){tta(ca)}smābhi(r) ddatta ¿ga?⟨I⟩ti viditam astu vaḥ

Asyāva(dh)aya(ḥ)⟨.⟩ ⟨Page 5r⟩ ⟨57⟩¿m?⟨rv⟩vataḥ|| koḍupulū¿v?⟨r⟩i pola-garusuna yilindi-guṇṭa| Āgneyataḥ kuṟṟa⟨58⟩labola pannasa| dakṣiṇataḥ laṁjiya(mā)ḍa-sīmā| (nai)rr̥t¡i!⟨ya⟩taḥ munna-nad¿i?⟨ī⟩| ⟨59⟩ paścimataḥ pallikaṇṭi-bhaṭāraṇḍu| vāyavyataḥ muyyalu-kaṭṭu| Uttarataḥ ⟨60⟩ koṇḍṟūri pola-garusuna cintalu⟨|⟩ ¡Ī!⟨Ai⟩ś¿a?⟨ā⟩nataḥ muyyalu-ku⟨61⟩(ṭṭ)una pulugudla-guṇṭa| Asyopari na ⟨kena⟩cid bā(dh)ā kartta¡vv!yā ya(ẖ) ka⟨62⟩(ro)ti sa paṁca-mahāpātaka-saṁyukto bhavati⟨.⟩ tathoktaṁ vyāsena|

XXI. Anuṣṭubh

ba⟨63⟩hubhi¿m?⟨r v⟩asudhā dat⟨t⟩ā

a

bahubhiś cā¿s?⟨n⟩upālitā(|)

b

yasya yasya yadā bhū⟨64⟩mis

c

tasya tasya tadā (pha)laṁ|

d
XXII. Anuṣṭubh

sva-dattāṁ para-dattāṁ vā

a

yo hareta vasundharā(ṁ|)

b

(ṣaṣṭ)i⟨65⟩-¿(l)?⟨v⟩a(rṣ)a-sahasrāṇi

c

vi(ṣ)¿(ṭ)?⟨ṭh⟩(ā)yāṁ j(ā)yate k¿u?⟨r̥⟩m¿a?⟨i⟩ḥ|

d
XXIII. Śālinī

sarvvan etān ¿b?⟨bh⟩āvinaḥ pārthivendrā(n)

a

(bh)ūy¿ā?⟨o⟩ ⟨Page 5v⟩ ⟨66⟩ (bhūyo) y(ā)cate rāmabhadraḥ

b

s(ā)mānyo ⟨’⟩yan dha(r)mma-(se)tu(r) nnr̥pāṇā(M)

c

(le kā)le (pālan)īy(o) bha⟨67⟩(vadbhiḥ)

d

(Ājña)p(t)i(ḥ) ka(ḍ)aka-rā(ja)⟨.⟩ potana(bha)ṭṭa-kr̥ti(ḥ|)

Apparatus

Seal

Plates

⟨4⟩ -sam(ā)sādi⟨5⟩ta- ⬦ -sam{y}āsādi⟨5⟩ta- VR; -sam¿ya?⟨ā⟩sādi⟨5⟩ta- PVPS • The vowel mark for ā is extended downward in a curve much like that for subscript r. This may be an ornamental extension of the stroke or an error made by an illiterate scribe, but definitely does not look like a subscript y.

⟨5⟩ -vaśīkr̥tārāti- ⬦ -vaś¿i?⟨ī⟩kr̥tārāti- VR PVPS.

⟨7⟩ {-viṣṇaṣ(ṇu)vi-}{-viṣṇuṣūvi-} VR PVPS • At this locus, VR marks the text from pratā to vallabhendrasya as superfluous, while PVPS discards the string from pratā to (the first) vallabhendrasya. There is no way to tell which iteration of the (imperfectly) repeated string was inscribed in error, but PVPS’s excision of a string stretching across both iterations can not, in my opinion, be reasonably derived from scribal error; and since the second instance of vallabhendrasya contains a scribal correction (see next apparatus entry), I assume that its presence in the text was approved by a contemporary editor. Thus, by my reasoning, the whole of the first iteration was rejected, and the text re-inscribed from satyaśrāya onward, ignoring the fact that, if the rejected string were explicitly deleted, this string ought to have started with ssa. — ⟨7⟩ -va⟨⟨lla⟩⟩bhendrasya • The addition is written below the line and to the right of bha, i.e. one character to the right of where one would expect it to be. — ⟨7⟩ kubja- VRkubba- PVPS.

⟨10⟩ paṁcaviṁśa(r)⟨⟨t⟩⟩i¿ma?⟨M⟩paṁcaviṁśa¿kr?⟨t⟩i¿ma?⟨M⟩ VR; paṁcaviṁśat¿i?⟨ī⟩¿ma?⟨M⟩ PVPS • I believe that an originally inscribed r has been corrected somewhat clumsily to t.

⟨12⟩ u¿py?⟨cc⟩āṭya ⬦ u¿py?⟨tp⟩āṭya VR PVPS • The emendation proposed by previous editors does not presuppose a smaller scribal error, and related grants use uccāṭya; utpāṭya never occurs as far as I am aware.

⟨14⟩ dhyarddha- ⬦ dhyardha- VR PVPS.

⟨15⟩ -v¿o?⟨i⟩kramāditya- ⬦ -v¿e?⟨i⟩kramāditya- VR PVPS.

⟨17⟩ ¿bhe?⟨rbha⟩ka ⬦ bheka VR PVPS • The reading is clear, but unattested elsewhere, while the form arbhaka-vijayāditya is attested in the Koḻūru grant of Bhīma II.

⟨19⟩¿ṇ?⟨n⟩y¿a?⟨e⟩cānye VR PVPS • The principal consonant definitely has the shape of , but the subscript y is joined to its foot rather than to its wing. The character is not ne by any means, though it must have been intended for such.

⟨20⟩ saptā{śa}ntar¿o?⟨e⟩saptā{śa}ntare VR; saptā{sa}ntare PVPS • PVPS’s sa is probably a typo. — ⟨20⟩ -rāja⟨ṁ⟩ kr̥ta- ⬦ -rāja-kr̥ta⟨ṁ⟩ VR; -rājaṁ kr̥ta- PVPS • While there is no original anusvāra, nor space for one in its usual position, PVPS’s reading is better as an emendation and equally permitted by the metre. I have supplied hyphenation in PVPS’s reading.

⟨22⟩ bhuvaM ⬦ bhuvaṁ VR PVPS.

⟨23⟩ °ābdā¡ṁ!⟨ñ⟩ jita-ripur agama(t) VR°ābdā(n) agama(t) PVPS • Typographic omission in PVPS, with some strangeness around the n.

⟨25⟩ ¡vacadharasya!vac¿a?⟨o⟩(dha)¿r?⟨v⟩asya VR; {va}ca¿dha?⟨tu⟩rasya PVPS • In addition to an extra light syllable in this word (where the poet apparently availed of a licence to use three light syllables where two would be expected), the first pāda of this stanza also has a caesura between a prefix and a verb, which is also permissible only by licence. VR’s emendation, while it improves this particular word, only aggravates the metrical anomaly. PVPS’s emendation is metrically and grammatically correct, but is too heavy-handed to accept, while with his alternative proposal ca varasya is awkward and bland (not to mention that this is one of the very few instances of dha that does not look like va, so it should probably not be emended to va). If I am correct in interpreting the composer’s intent (for which see the translation), then the meaning could have been expressed in correct prosody, e.g. as vacasaḥ pateḥ kamala-saṁbhūtasya (though the inferior caesura is not remedied by this suggestion).

⟨26⟩ -¿ś?⟨g⟩rām¿ū?⟨ya⟩tvā° ⬦ -grām¿ū?⟨ya⟩tvā° PVPS; -grāmy¿ā?⟨ya⟩tvā° VR.

⟨27⟩ nindā(rha)m • The problematic character looks rather like hyā, with the subscript y unfinished.

⟨28⟩ ¿u?⟨ya⟩d-vaidagdhyam PVPSudvaidagdhyam VR.

⟨30⟩ vvicāryyate ⬦ vvicāryate VR PVPS.

⟨31⟩ -mahārājā(dh)irāja- PVPS-mahārāja- VR.

⟨32⟩ ma⟨33⟩⟦tī⟧ntri- ⬦ ma⟨33⟩ntri- VR PVPS • I cannot interpret the character (or possibly ti) written directly below in the line above and ignored by both previous editors. In the facsimile I see no indication that it has been deleted, but can only assume that it was engraved in error for the ntri required here, and the correct character was re-engraved to the right of it. It was probably not meant to be an addition, since it is equal or almost equal in size to the regular characters, whereas other interlinear additions are much smaller. There is also no apparent place where such an addition would have been required. This character was engraved before the rest of line 33 and slightly higher than the other characters of that line; the correct ntri is to the right of and below this one.

⟨33⟩ -tī{E}⟨r⟩tth¿o?⟨ā⟩dhyakṣam ⬦ -tī{E}rthādhyakṣam VR; -tī{E}rthādhyakṣ¡am!⟨ān⟩ PVPS • PVPS’s emendation of the ending is plausible, but the composer appears to have used the singular in a collective sense.

⟨34⟩ -nimitt¿e?⟨aṁ⟩ PVPS-nimitte VR • There may in fact be an anusvāra or a final M after this word.

⟨35⟩ sāma(nta)- • The principal consonant of the problematic character in fact has the shape of g, and the subscript component is distorted. The intent must have been nta. — ⟨35⟩ -vo(ṭṭ/dd)i- PVPS-voḍḍi- VR • PVPS’s preferred reading is voṭṭi, which he connects to the name viṣṭi, see the commentary. He mentions voddi as a possible reading only in his discussion. I agree that both these are possible and each is more likely than VR’s voḍḍi.Throughout the inscription, has a tail that curls conspicuously upward (cf. e.g. l32 ḍi). At face value, ddi may be the most likely reading; compare l51 ddi, which is practically identical in shape to what we have here. Conversely, should normally lack a neck, see e.g. ṭṭa in ll 12, 20 and 31. However, l53 ṭi does have a neck and looks quite identical to the upper part of the present character. Given the textual parallels cited by PVPS, I accept ṭṭi as the most likely reading.

⟨36⟩ -ka¿k?⟨r⟩aḥ VR-ka¿t?⟨r⟩aḥ PVPS • Possibly a typo in PVPS. — ⟨36⟩ -ni⟨r⟩ddāri-(cāṭa)-bala- VR-ni⟨r⟩ddāri¿cāṭa?⟨tāri⟩-bala- PVPS • Both previous editors show the text as clear. Indeed, -cāṭa- seems likely from the estampage, but if correct, it requires emendation. PVPS’s emendation is very plausible and is probably close to the intent of the composer, but I hesitate to introduce it to the text because it requires a major intervention. An equally invasive alternative emendation would be nirddārita-prabala-. — ⟨36⟩ -vī(ra?)- ⬦ -v¿i?⟨ī⟩(ra)- VR PVPS • The vowel mark of the first character has a dot, so I prefer to read it as the expected ī. For the second character, VR admits to uncertainty but PVPS does not. It can plausibly be read as ra, but several other readings may be possible, including ri. If the latter is correct, then the word may be emended to vairi, in which case ari is not needed in the previous locus. — ⟨36⟩ (bhaṭā?)ndhakāraḥ • VR admits to uncertainty on the problematic characters, while PVPS does not. The reading is plausible both in context and on the basis of the vestiges, but as far as I can tell, other readings may also be possible, such as balā°, varā° or even ghanā°.

⟨37⟩ sa{ṁ}t-pūjya- ⬦ saṁ{t}pūjya VR; satpūjya PVPS • While VR’s emendation is also plausible, I prefer my emendation as being less invasive and slightly smoother. PVPS may have been of the same opinion, though he ignores the superfluous anusvāra. — ⟨37⟩ -pravaṇa- ⬦ -pravaṇa⟨ḥ⟩ VR PVPS • Compare paropakāra-pravaṇa-prabhāvaḥ in line 40 below. — ⟨37⟩ -sva{(ḥ)}- • While I agree with VR and PVPS that a visarga is not wanted here, I am not sure that one was at all present in the original, though shown as clear by both previous editors. The dots may be random damage. — ⟨37⟩ {śrīmac-ca}⟨38⟩{lukyak(u)}¿bha?⟨ca⟩lukya- ⬦ śrīmac-cā⟨38⟩lukya{kubhalukya}- VR; {śrīmac-}ca⟨38⟩lukya{kubhalukya}- PVPS • The character at the end of line 37 seems in the estampage to be cca, though VR reads it as ccā. To reduce the dittography, both previous editors suppress the string kubhalukya. While this yields meaningful text with a small and straightforward suppression, it seems unlikely that these characters could have been erroneously engraved while the others were correct and deliberate. Much more likely in my opinion is that the engraver first started with śrīmac-calukya-ku, probably beiginning to engrave kula out of habit. Realising the mistake, he would have started again from the beginning of the stanza, but this time round, he neglected to close the bottom of ca, so the character as engraved turned out as bha. My emendation is thus more complex than that of the previous editors, but presupposes much more feasible scribal mistakes. The final problem with this locus is that of śrīmac. Suppressing this word results in correct prosody for the line, but so does suppressing the subsequent vaṁśa (and altering a retained vowel, so we are left with śrīmac-calukyodita-). I believe it is much more likely that śrīmac was, again out of habit, engraved unnecessarily (or perhaps conceived of as a bit of prose tagged on before the stanza). Moreover, with my emendation of the dittography, śrīmac is a natural part of the erroneously engraved string, whereas PVPS has to resort to a separate emendation to suppress it (while VR only notes that the stanza is metrically faulty, but does not attempt to correct it, though his editor does propose deleting śrīmac in a footnote.).

⟨38⟩ -śrīdvā(ram ic?)¿(c?)?⟨ch⟩ā¿g?⟨n⟩ugataṁ ⬦ -śrīdvāra-madhyānugataṁ VR; -śrīdvāram ¿adhyā?⟨ājñā⟩nugataṁ PVPS • My reading and emendation are tentative. See the commentary for a discussion. In the actual reading, the character dvā is mostly clear. The ostensible ra-ma is wholly indiscernible in the estampage, though read as clear by both editors. I see no explicit indication of an i here, but a smallish vowel marker (like that in bhūmipāla earlier in this line) could conceivably have fit in the damaged spot above consonant read as m. For the next character, dhyā is a plausible reading, but far from the only possibility. In fact, vyā is at least as likely, and out of context, I would be most inclined to read it as dyā. My suggested reading, ccā (intended for cchā) may be wishful thinking, but seems to be permitted by the facsimile. Next, the character read as nu by both previous editors is in fact a perfect specimen of gu, though nu is a very plausible emendation. There seems to be a short vertical punctuation mark at the end of this word, though no previous editor reads it and it is definitely superfluous. It is also possible that what looks like an anusvāra and a punctuation mark is in fact a final M, though this would likewise be out of place. — ⟨38⟩ n¿a?⟨ā⟩n¿(ū)?⟨yā⟩⟨39⟩(dh)ipa-dvāram ⬦ nanu ⟨39⟩ vipad-⟨d⟩vāram VR; ¿nanu?⟨nūnaṁ⟩ ⟨39⟩ vipad-⟨d⟩vāram PVPS • VR’s editor in a footnote proposes emending the first word of this string to nānyo. It is not clear to me how he sees this as an improvement to the text without additional alterations. Reading nanu would be unmetrical, and the plate seems rather to have nanū. I find that emending ū to is a minor intervention, and there are two instances in the text where u must clearly be emended to ya (lines 26 and 28), so we know the scribe is prone to this kind of mistake. I thus emend the first two characters in a way similar to that suggested by VR’s editor. But in the next line, I read dhipa-dvāram in preference to vipa-dvāram (which requires supplying an extra d), since most instances of dh in this text are indistinguishable from v. See the commentary for further discussion.

⟨39⟩ a¿ma?⟨haṁ⟩ PVPSama VR • VR’s editor proposes the same emendation in a footnote. It very probably reflects the intent of the composer, though given that the stanza as a whole is quite unintelligible, something else may have been intended, e.g. amuṁ, imaṁ or aho. — ⟨39⟩ viśām¿i?⟨ī⟩ty akṣ(e?)ṣṭa ⬦ viśāmi tyakṣaṣṭa- VR; viśāmīty akṣa⟨ṁ⟩¿ṣṭ?⟨st⟩a PVPS • VR’s editor in his footnote proposes viśāmīty ācaṣṭa. A dot above the right-hand side of kṣa may be seen as confirmation for PVPS’s emendation, but its position is not where anusvāra is normally placed in this inscription and the dot is not read as such by either previous editor. Moreover, I find PVPS’s interpretation unconvincing. See the commentary for further discussion. — ⟨39⟩(ṭaṁ) gata- PVPS-vāṭaṁ-gata- VR • The damaged character read as ṭaṁ might conceivably be ḍa, tha, dha, pa, ma, la or va. An additional problem is segmentation into compounds and independent words. Although PVPS’s text is spaced, he too apparently construed both of these words as in compound to the next word, which I find problematic. See the commentary for further discussion.

⟨40⟩ pa(ro)pa(kā)ra- • The character ro has an extra curly stroke on each side. These may be random, or ornamental elaborations of the vowel mark, or perhaps a remnant of correction from ko. In turn, lacks the expected arms. — ⟨40⟩ -¿ph?⟨p⟩rabhāvaḥ ⬦ -prabhāvaḥ VR PVPS. — ⟨40⟩ arātīn¿th?⟨dh⟩ana- ⬦ arātīndhana- VR PVPS.

⟨41⟩ -kauśal¿a?⟨e⟩na ⬦ -k¿o?⟨au⟩śalena VR PVPS.

⟨42⟩ °⟨rājaḥ| Abhūt su⟩to PVPS • PVPS’s emendation is perfectly plausible, though the intended wording may have been slightly different. VR offers no emendation, while his editor in a footnote suggests °rājaḥ suto bhavad, which is inferior because it requires inserting text both before and after the inscribed to. — ⟨42⟩ -van(d)yanāṁ(bā)(y)¿a?⟨ā⟩m • The problematic component of what we expect to be ndya may be dh. in fact looks like ha, with the tail of the vowel mark curved back under the body. (ya) has some extra strokes including a small loop at the bottom centre, possibly traces of correction from a different character.

⟨43⟩ guṇḍyanā(ka)khy⟦o⟧⟨⟨aḥ⟩⟩guṇḍyanā{(ta)}khyaḥ VR PVPS • Where previous editors see a superfluous ta, I believe ka was first engraved, intended for kya in error for khya. This may or may not have been explicitly deleted. There is also a stroke for o above the correct khya, so probably khyo was engraved and then corrected to khyaḥ. PVPS suggests that the deleted/superfluous character and the next one together could be alternatively read as ryyaḥ. In spite of some resemblence to ryya, I feel this is not likely, but the possibility cannot be excluded. — ⟨43⟩ pratāpāya(ti)⟨44⟩tām PVPSpratāpāyya (ci)⟨44⟩tām VR.

⟨44⟩ °ārā¡dhdh!y(o)°ārādhyo VR PVPS • The problematic character looks more like rdhdhya.

⟨45⟩ -nāmadheyena(|)-nāmadheyen¿ā?⟨a⟩ VR; -nāmadheyena PVPS. — ⟨45⟩ (c/v)e(lā)⟨46⟩paṟṟu- ⬦ velā⟨46⟩paṟṟu- VR PVPS • PVPS uses the name Celāpaṟṟu in his discussion, though he prints velāpaṟṟu in his edition. It seems likely to me that the character is indeed ce, as the upper outline of its body has a a definite notch and is joined directly to the headmark rather than to the stem. Compare e.g. vi at the end of the previous line versus in line 30. However, see also the next entry on viddamayyaḥ, where I read the same glyph as v.

⟨46⟩ °saṁbhū⟨to⟩ (v)iddamayyaḥ ⬦ °saṁbhū⟨to⟩ ciddamayyaḥ VR PVPS • The problematic character does indeed look like ci (see also the previous entry on velāpaṟṟu). However, since the names Viddamayya, Viddamiya and Viddamaśarman are attested in several related inscriptions, while I know of no occurrence of Ciddamayya, I prefer to read this character as vi. Note that both previous editors may have vacillated on the reading, since both of them supply to for the preceding word rather than taś, as would be expected before c.

⟨47⟩ j¿a?⟨ā⟩⟨48⟩t(yā)⟨48⟩tyā VR PVPS. — ⟨47⟩ j¿a?⟨ā⟩⟨48⟩t(o)⟨48⟩tyā VR PVPS • In the estampage I do not see a full subscript y, much less where the vowel stroke ought to be attached to the end of y. I think this character is to, with vowel strokes on the right of the headmark and the bottom left of the body. The reading of the previous editors, along with their emendation (see next entry) makes the text more awkward, see also the note to the translation.

⟨48⟩ bhūdeva- ⬦ bhūdeva⟨ḥ⟩ VR PVPS • In my perception the emendation proposed by the previous editors makes the text more awkward regardless of the reading in the previous entry. See also the note to the translation. — ⟨48⟩ tasyā{ḥ}bhūn ⬦ tasyābhūn VR PVPS. — ⟨48⟩ mācemāṁbāyā⟨ṁ⟩mācemāṁbāyāṁ VR; macemāṁbāyāṁ PVPS • The short a in PVPS is probably a typo. I see no original anusvāra here. The composer’s intent may also have been mācemāṁbāyāḥ. Note also that the e must be short for the line to be metrical. — ⟨48⟩ sūnu⟨r⟩ ddommana- ⬦ sūnur ddommana- VR PVPS.

⟨49⟩ -¿ś?⟨g⟩u¿no?⟨ṇa⟩- ⬦ -¿ś?⟨g⟩u(ṇa)- VR PVPS. — ⟨49⟩ saṁpann¿e?⟨a⟩s VRsaṁpa¿ṇ?⟨n⟩nas PVPS.

⟨50⟩ durāpe PVPSdurāp¿e?⟨o⟩ VR. — ⟨50⟩ kākartya- PVPSkāka{rt}tya- VR.

⟨51⟩ āha¿ppā?⟨ḫpa⟩ti- ⬦ āha⟨ḥ⟩p{p}¿ā?⟨a⟩ti- VR; āharppati- PVPS • I assume that the upper p with the vowel mark (which PVPS reads as a repha) was meant to be an upadhmānīya. This presupposes a much smaller scribal error than VR’s equivalent emendation and is preferable to PVPS’s non-standard reading. — ⟨51⟩ ka⟨r⟩ppaṭam VRkarppaṭam PVPS. — ⟨51⟩ (ābaddhaṁ) VRāra(bdhaṁ) PVPS • Previous editors admit to uncertainty only in the last character of this string. That could indeed be bdhaṁ from what I can make out, but the preceding character is much more likely from the vestiges to be ba than ra. Compare also baddha-karppaṭakaḥ in line 21 of the Cevuru plates of Amma I.

⟨52⟩ br¿ā?⟨a⟩hma¿v?⟨c⟩aryya¿c?⟨m⟩br¿ā?⟨a⟩hmacaryya(m) VR PVPS. — ⟨52⟩ ¿ga?⟨I⟩ty- PVPSgaty- VR • Given that ga is consistently inscribed instead of initial I throughout the inscription, I fully endorse PVPS’s emendation.

⟨53⟩ ka¿ppā?⟨rppa⟩ṭi- ⬦ ka¿ppā?⟨rppra⟩ṭī- VR; karppaṭī- PVPS • VR’s emendation to rppra seems to be a typo for rppa. — ⟨53⟩ anuṣṭhānam ⬦ anuṣ¿ṭ?⟨ṭh⟩ānam VR; anuṣ¿ta?⟨ṭhā⟩nam PVPS • PVPS’s t and a are probably typos; his actual reading would have been indentical to VR’s.

⟨54⟩ i(daṁ?) PVPSiha VR • PVPS’s reading is far from clear (though he prints it as such). Nonetheless I prefer it because VR’s reading is unmetrical, and because there is some space after the problematic character. The noise in that space may well include an anusvāra, and what seems to be the hook of ha may in turn be random noise. — ⟨54⟩ tasm(ai) PVPStasme VR • VR’s editor suggests emendation to tasmai, but the second stroke for that vowel may actually be present. PVPS prints this reading as clear, but I am not sure if he does so after a scrutiny of the estampage or out of negligence. — ⟨54⟩ do¿t?⟨m⟩mana-nāmne PVPSdotmāna-nāmne VR • The expected emendation is also suggested by VR’s editor. The ā in VR’s tmā may be a typo. PEM’s etext emends here to ātmano nāmnā. I do not know if this is her own emendation or if it comes from an unnamed source. It is in line with PVPS’s opinion (which I endorse) that Dānārṇava issued this charter in his own name rather than in lieu of Amma II, but I am confident this was not the intent of the composer.

⟨55⟩ sa¿vvā?⟨rvv⟩- ⬦ sa⟨r⟩vva- VR; sarvva- PVPS. — ⟨55⟩ -pū⟨r⟩vvam ⬦ -pūrvvam VR PVPS. — ⟨55⟩ -ni⟨56⟩mitt(e)-ni⟨56⟩mittaṁ VR PVPS • There is definitely no anusvāra here; however, part of an e is in my opinion discernible. Even if that is noise, I would still prefer emending to nimitte in spite of the hiatus, since that is the form used in practically all related grants that mention an occasion (with a few occurrences of nimittena and none, that I know of, of nimittam).

⟨56⟩ Agrahārīkr̥ty(ā){tta(ca)}smābhir VRAgrahārīkr̥ty(ā){ttacha}smābhir PVPS • It is possible that the text has tya rather than tyā, and that one or both of the superfluous characters was intended for A. The second superfluous character, apart from a malformed ca or cha with the headmark in the wrong place, could be a not-so-malformed rai with only the lower left vowel stroke present and the top one omitted. — ⟨56⟩ ddatta ⬦ datta VR PVPS.

⟨57⟩¿m?⟨rv⟩vataḥ ⬦ pūrvvataḥ VR PVPS. — ⟨57⟩ koḍupulū¿v?⟨r⟩i VR PVPS • I adopt the emendation of the Telugu on blind faith.

⟨58⟩ laṁjiya(mā)ḍa- ⬦ laṁjayamāḍa- VR; laṁjiyavāḍa- PVPS • While the i is clear, the only problem with is that the vowel marker is attached to the left arm rather than the right. It may be a correction of ma to , or of to or .

⟨59⟩ pallikaṇṭi- PVPSpallikaṇṭī- VR.

⟨61⟩ pulugudla- ⬦ pūlagudla- VR; puluguḍla- PVPS • The word definitely begins with pulu. The second part may be guḍla, but, without understanding it and judging by the glyph alone, gudla is much more likely. — ⟨61⟩ kartta¡vv!yā ⬦ kartta(vyā) VR PVPS.

⟨62⟩ ba⟨63⟩hubhi¿m?⟨r v⟩asudhā ⬦ ba⟨63⟩hubhir vvasudhā VR PVPS.

⟨63⟩ dat⟨t⟩ā ⬦ dattā VR PVPS.

⟨65⟩ -¿(l)?⟨v⟩a(rṣ)a- ⬦ -varṣa- VR PVPS. — ⟨65⟩ k¿u?⟨r̥⟩m¿a?⟨i⟩ḥ ⬦ kr̥miḥ VR; k¿r̥?⟨ri⟩miḥ PVPS • There is definitely a typo in PVPS’s edition, but I am not sure what his actual reading may have been. — ⟨65⟩ (bh)ūy¿ā?⟨o⟩bhūyo VR PVPS.

Translation by Dániel Balogh

Seal

Plates

I
Homage to the beloved of Śrī with a lotus in his navel, the boon-granting protector of the world who by his valour overcame the exceedingly savage Bali.

(2–19) Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Calukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hāriti, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha Vallabha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka), for seven days. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine years. His offspring Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His younger brother by a different mother, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven years. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six. His son Vijayāditya (II) Narendra(mr̥garāja), for eight and forty. His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son Guṇakkenalla Vijayāditya (III), for forty-four. The son of his younger brother Vikramāditya, Cālukya-Bhīma, for thirty. His son Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya (IV), for six months. His son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. His son the infant1 Vijayāditya (V), for a fortnight. Then King (rājan) Tāḻapa, for a month. After defeating him, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), for a year.

II
The armies of barons (sāmanta), tribesmen (śabara) and Rāṣṭrakūṭas (vallabha), as well as others, ravaged the land for seven years, audaciously disdaining King (rājan) Mallapa (Yuddhamalla) here, who had in the meantime donned the (royal) turban.
III
King (bhūpati) Bhīma (II), the son of Meḻāṁbā and Vijayāditya (IV), eradicated all of these and protected (pā-) the earth for twelve years.
IV
Magnificent like (Indra) the Lord of the Gods, crowned with the turban, his son Ammarāja (II) defeated his enemies and protected (rakṣ-) the earth for eleven years, [then] went to the Kaliṅgas because of Kr̥ṣṇa’s (the Rāṣṭrakūṭa Kr̥ṣṇa III’s) wrath. [Now] his half-brother, Lord (īśa) Dānārṇava, [the son] of Bhīma (II) born of the body of Aṅkidevī likewise protects (av-) the earth to the delight of all the populace and according to the policy of Manu, having obtained kingship from the Vallabha (Kr̥ṣṇa III).
V
“The sophistication of the lotus-born Supporter of Speech (Brahmā) is reckoned [on a par with] the rusticity of the Earth Goddess,2 and even the art discourse of Lady Speech (Sarasvatī) is subject to the natural frivolity of women and thus despicable”—so do all men of culture, out of respect, abundantly praise his sophistication in arts.
VI
“Strange is its appearance: though permanent {stationary}, it always wanders about the triple world; though white, it makes people affectionate {red}”—so do eminent people continually puzzle over the creeper that is his reputation.

(30–34) That shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya (Dānārṇava) the supremely pious Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja) and Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka), convokes the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Nātavāḍi district (viṣaya), and commands the body of eighteen worthy (tīrtha) officials (adhyakṣa)3 beginning with the minister (mantrin), the chaplain (purohita), the general (senāpati) and the crown prince (yuvarāja) as follows:

VII
There was a family named Sāmanta Voṭṭi, a source of majesty and prosperity endowed with precious men who were not attached (mukta) to fruitless (aphala) [causes], resembling the ocean {which is the source of the generation of Śrī and is endowed with pearls that [serve as] jewels for men}.4
VIII
Like a moon which produces the ascendance {tide} of that ocean-family and which shatters the darkness consisting of ¿powerful enemy soldiers?5 with his rays that are like a sword {with the sword held in his hand}, there was [born in that family] Guṇḍiya Rāṣṭrakūṭa, whose inherent conduct was inclined to follow the true path respected by gentlemen.
IX
¿“Having passed through the gateway of honour (śrīdvāra) [granted to me] by the noble kings of the Calukya dynasty in accordance to [my] desire, I shall not pass through the gateway of another suzerain”—so saying, he took up residence in Vāṭa [only] when the Vallabha lord had departed from there.?6
X
He had a son equipped with all virtues beginning with honesty: Eṟiya Rāṣṭrakūṭa, whose power was inclined to aid others, a fierce fire to the kindling sticks that were his enemies.
XI
He had a son with the given name Betiya, a repository of all talents, who surpassed the immaculate Vatsa king (Udayana) in his skill at horsemanship.
XII
He had a perfect son resembling Bhava (Śiva) by Her Grace Vandyanāmbā, a repository of all talents named Guṇḍyana.
XIII
The sun of his glory, being the dispeller of the darkness of enemies and ever adored by clumps of lotuses {the hand of Padmā (Śrī)}, becomes the continuation of [his predecessors’?] valour.

(45) Being requested by that Kākatya Guṇḍyana, we (Dānārṇava)7

XIV
There was once an excellent orator residing in the great village of Velāpaṟṟu: Viddamayya born of the Kutsa gotra.
XV
A son was born to him, a servant of the lotus that is the two feet of Śrīdhara (Viṣṇu), renowned by the name Śrīdhara for being as excellent as a Śrīdhara among Brahmins.8
XVI
He had a son by Mācemāmbā. Named Dommana, he was imbued with all virtues and fond of good and decent men.
XVII
Though difficult for others to attain, his action is always conducted along the path taught by the Veda (śruti), ⟨scripture (smr̥ti), the practice of good men and the Purāṇas.
XVIII
He took upon himself the karpaṭa (vow) for the benefit of the valiant Kākartya Guṇḍyana who is brilliant as the sun, desiring [to obtain] his favour.
XIX
The vow of the karpaṭin that he performed out of respect included daily bathing early in the morning, ceaseless chastity and so forth.
XX
Truthfulness, purity, compassion, generosity, religious observance and a magnanimous mindset: [all] this and more comes to him instinctively [even] in the Kali age.

(54–56) To that one named Dommana, on the occasion of the winter solstice we have given the village named Māṁgallu, converted into a rent-free holding (agrahāra) by a remission of all taxes, [the donation being] sanctified by (a libation of) water. Let this be known to you.

(56–62) Its boundaries [are as follows].9 To the east, the yilindi pond at the verge of the fields of Koḍupulūr. To the southeast, the pannasa10 of Kuṟṟalabola. To the south, the border of Laṁjiyamāḍa. To the southwest, the river Munna. To the west, Pallikaṇṭi-bhaṭāraṇḍu. To the northwest, the triple boundary juncture. To the north, the tamarind tree at the verge of the fields of Koṇḍṟūru. To the northeast, the pulugudla11 pond at the triple boundary juncture. Let no-one pose an obstacle (to his enjoyment of his rights) over it. He who does so shall be conjoined with the five great sins. So Vyāsa has said:

XXI
Many (kings) have granted land, and many have preserved it (as formerly granted). Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit {reward (accrued of granting it)} belongs to him at that time.
XXII
He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.
XXIII
Over and over again, Rāmabhadra begs all these future rulers: “Each in your own time, you shall respect this bulwark of legality that is universally applicable to kings!”

(67) The executor (ājñapti) is the castellan (kaḍaka-rāja). The composition is by Potana Bhaṭṭa.

Translation into French by Estienne-Monod 2008

Seal

Plates

I
Hommage à Viṣnụ dont le nombril est un lotus, protecteur de l’univers, Dont le courage a rabaissé le très puissant Bali, au dispensateur de dons !

(2–19) Prospérité ! Le roi Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, fils de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles des ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs au sacrifice du cheval, a protégé la contrée de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha Vallabha pendant trente-trois ans, Le frère cadet de celui-ci, Indrarāja, pendant sept jours, Le fils de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf ans, Son fils Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq ans, Son fils légitime Jayasiṁha pendant treize ans, Le frère de celui-ci, né d’une seconde mère, Kokkili, pendant six mois, Son frère aîné Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir détrôné, pendant trente-sept ans, Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit ans, Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six ans, Son fils Narendra Vijayāditya pendant quarante-huit ans, Le fils de ce dernier, Kali Viṣṇuvardhana pendant un an et demi, Son fils Guṇakenalla12 Vijayāditya pendant quarante-quatre ans, Le fils de Vikramāditya, frère cadet de ce dernier, Cālukya Bhīma pendant trente ans, Le fils de celui-ci, Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya, pendant six mois, Son fils, Ammarāja, pendant sept ans, Son fils Bheka-Vijayāditya pendant quinze jours, Puis le roi Tāḻapa pendant un mois, Après avoir vaincu ce dernier, le fils de Cālukya Bhīma, Vikramāditya, a protégé la terre pendant un an ;

II
Les armées de ses feudataires Śabara et Vallabha,13 ainsi que d’autres, ravagèrent sa terre pendant sept années, Méprisant avec violence la couronne placée, entre-temps, sur la tête du roi Mallapa.14
III
Le fils de Meḻāṁbā15 et de Vijayāditya16 fut le roi Bhīma ; après avoir éradiqué tous ceux-ci, il protégea la terre pendant douze ans.
IV
Son fils, Ammarāja, qui a la puissance du roi des dieux, dont la tête est ceinte du diadème, alors qu’il protégeait la terre depuis onze ans, vainqueur de ses ennemis, attaqua les Kaliṁga, à cause de la colère de Kr̥ṣṇa. Son frère, né d’une autre mère, qui, pour la joie de tout le peuple, a reçu le royaume de Vallabha, Bhaima, bien qu’il soit souverain des flots de dons,17 fils de Aṁkidevī, administre la terre selon les préceptes de Manu.
V
* * *18
VI
Bien que ferme, sans cesse elle parcourt les Trois Mondes ; elle sucite l’amour des hommes malgré sa blancheur : « Merveilleuse est sa beauté », voilà ce que toujours les êtres distingués pensent de la liane de sa gloire.19
XXX–XXXIV
Celui-ci, refuge pour l’univers entier, l’illustre Vijayāditya, grand roi, premier seigneur, illustre seigneur, très pieux, ayant convoqué les chefs de familles de la circonscription de Nātavāḍi, à commencer par les rāṣṭrakūṭa et le conseiller, le chapelain, le maréchal, le prince héritier, les dix-huit Tīrtha20 en tête, ordonne ceci :
VII
à l’occasion de Śrīsaṁbhūti, liée à Muktāphala, cette perle d’homme, il y eut une famille portant le nom de la feudataire Voḍḍi, comparable à l’océan.
VIII
Source de prospérité pour l’océan de cette lignée, source de ténèbres pour les pillards, les brigands, les troupes, les guerriers et les soldats portant l’épée au poing, naquit, pareil à la lune, Guṇḍiya-Rāṣṭrakūṭa qui, hommage rendu, enclin à fouler le chemin de la vertu, fut indépendant.21
X
Doué de toutes les vertus à commencer par la sincérité, dont la puissance étaient encline à servir autrui, naquit , incendie pour ses ennemis réduit à l’état de bois d’allumage, puissant, son fils Eṟiya-Rāṣṭrakūṭa.
XI
Par son adresse à monter les chevaux, humiliant le roi des Vatsa, son fils fut Bhetiya, trésor de toutes les prospérités.
XII
Il eut de l’illustre Vandyanāmbā un fils qui était pareil à Bhava. Son fils, nommé Guṇḍyana, [fut] un trésor de toutes les prospérités,
XIII
Ayant allumé le bûcher , il se développe, repoussant les ténèbres ennemis, apportant une satisfaction éternelle au massif de lotus, lui, dont la puissance est resplendissante.
XIV
Par celui-ci, qui portait le nom de Kākatya Guṇḍyana, nous avons été sollicités. Habitant le grand village de Velāpaṟṟu, le meilleur des orateurs, issu de la famille des Kutsa, Ciddamayya naquit autrefois.
XV
Rendant un culte aux deux lotus que sont les pieds de Śrīdhara, connu sous le nom de Śrīdhara. Son fils fut par sa naissance un brahmane, ainsi que par l’éclat de Śrīdhara.22
XVI
Celui-ci eut un fils de Mācemāṁbā nommé Dommana. Possèdant toutes les vertus, il fut l’ami des hommes vertueux et des saints,
XVII
lui dont la conduite demeure sur le chemin enseigné par la Révélation, la Tradition, l’usage des hommes de bien et les Purāṇa, conduite à jamais inaccessible aux autres hommes.
XVIII
A l’égard du héros Kākartya Guṇḍyana, dont l’éclat est celui du soleil, qui a pris l’habit des ascètes, désireux d’obtenir sa faveur,
XIX
Qui pratique un bain matinal quotidien et dont le vœu de chasteté n’est pas rompu, qui accomplit avec respect le vœu des ascètes, conduite qui commence par la marche,
XX
lui qui en ce monde et dans le Kaliyuga enseigne la sincérité, la pureté, la compassion, la générosité, le respect des rites, l’intelligence, la tolérance, l’amabilité.

(54–56) Nous donnons à celui qui porte ce nom, le village nommé Māṁgallu, exempté de toute taxe, après avoir fait une libation d’eau, en qualité d’agrahāra, à l’occasion du solstice d’hiver. Que cela soit connu de vous.

(54–56) Ses limites sont : à l’est l’étang Yilindi vers le pépier de Koḍupūluru, au sud-est le pannasa de Kuṟṟalabola, au sud la limite de Laṁjayamāda, au sud-ouest la rivière Munna, à l’ouest Pallikaṇṭī-Bhaṭāraṇḍu, au nord-ouest le point de jonction des trois routes, au nord les tamaris vers le pépier de Koṇḍṟūru au nord-est au l’étang au lotus vers le point de jonction des trois routes. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes. Vyāsa a dit ceci :

XXI
beaucoup ont donné une terre, beaucoup l’ont protégée, celui qui possède la terre en possède le fruit.
XXII
Qu’elle soit donné par lui ou par un autre, celui qui prend une terre renaît ver de terre dans les excréments pendant soixante mille ans.
XXIII
Rāmabhadra demande ceci à tous les princes des rois à venir de la terre, encore et encore : « ce pont du dharma commun aux rois doit toujours être protégé par vous. »

(67) L’exécuteur est le kaḍakāraja. L’auteur est Potanabhaṭṭa.

Commentary

VII
PVPS connects the name Voṭṭi to Sāmanta Viṣṭi mentioned, apparently as the family name of the Kākatīyas, in the Kazipet Dargah inscription of Tribhuvanamalla Duggarāja (Corpus of Telingana Inscriptions Part 3 pp 25-31, not traced). He thinks Viṣṭi may be derived either from Vr̥ṣṇi or from Skt viṣṭi = forced labour, and argues that viṭṭi is a legitimate Telugu form of that word, while voṭṭi may be a corruption of the former.
IX
This stanza was probably quite awkward to begin with. Compounded with the deplorable work done on it by the scribe, and with damage that has rendered some characters illegible, I see no way to reconstruct it properly. I do not see how it fits the context, since the previous stanza introduces Guṇḍiya, and the next one introduces his son Eṟiya. There is nothing in this stanza to imply another generation in between, so logically, it should say something about Guṇḍiya. Yet there is no pronoun, relative or demonstrative, that would make this explicit, so I cannot help but suspect that the subject of the stanza is in fact the Śrī of the Cālukyas (pāda b). The stanza might be about her departure to the Rāṣṭrakūṭas (or back to the Cālukyas from them?), and thus out of place here. However, śrīdvāra is apparently a technical term (cf. the Pedda-Gāḻiḍipaṟṟu grant of Amma II) for a status symbol, so this should probably be rejected.
IX
Stanza 9 is hard to read in some spots, and harder to comprehend in more places. VR’s editor suggests deleting śrīmat, emending nanu to nānyo, ama to ahaṁ and mityakṣaṣṭa to °mīty ācaṣṭa, after which he thinks the stanza “may yield some sense,” but I fail to see this. PVPS’s reconstruction of the stanza, with hyphenation and some typos silently corrected to the best of my ability, runs as follows: cālukya-vaṁśodita-bhūmipāla-śrī-dvāram ājñānugataṁ praviśya| nūnam vipad-dvāram ahaṁ viśāmīty aksaṁsta vāṭam-gata-vallabheśam||. His translation of this (1969, p. 64) is: “He (Guṇḍiya) according to (his master’s) orders entered the Śrīdvāra of the kings of the Cālukya vaṁśa saying “I will certainly enter the gates of death”, and enabled Vallabheśa to penetrate into Vāṭa.” On the same page, he tentatively interprets “the vāṭa” as “fortified town”, whereas, still on the same page, he says it was “probably Vijayavāḍa.” In his discussion of Kākatīya history (1978, p. 21) he paraphrases the stanza to say, “Guṇḍiya Rāṣṭrakūṭa entered vipad-dvāra (the gate of risk) in order to help his master Vallabheśa while capturing Vāṭa or Vijayavāṭa, the capital of the Eastern Cālukya king”.
IX
The verb of the main sentence is indeed probably to be sought in the string read by previous editors as akṣaṣṭa, and PVPS’s emendation is attractive because it involves only slight intervention. However, I have strong reservations about understanding kṣam as “enable,” much less “help.” I also have misgivings about his heavy-handed emendation ājñānugata and, even if accepted, the role of this word in the syntax; as well as about his assertion that vāṭa means the city of Vijayavāṭa and his claim that aksaṁsta vāṭam-gata-vallabheśam can be taken to mean “enabled Vallabheśa to penetrate into Vāṭa”. The emendation of the verb proposed by VR’s editor is even more heavy-handed. I am most inclined to read it as akṣeṣṭa, as there may in fact be an e instead of anusvāra over the kṣ. If this is correct, then this reading requires no emendation whatsoever; if it is not, then my emendation is the by far the least invasive of those proposed. To the best of my knowledge this is a legitimate s-aorist (middle voice singular third person) from kṣi, probably used here in the sense of “inhabit.”
IX
PVPS (1969, pp. 64–65) reasons that Guṇḍiya must have been in league with the Rāṣṭrakūṭas, which I find by and large acceptable. I do not think the fact that he is called a rāṣṭrakūṭa should be taken as evidence that he had any kinship connection to the imperial Rāṣṭrakūṭas, but we do know that Dānārṇava, who is now rewarding Guṇḍiya’s descendant, gained the throne of Veṅgī with the approval and probably outright support of the Rāṣṭrakūṭas; and if the still unpublished Masulipatnam plates (or Veḍatalūru grant) of Bhīma I (ibid., p. 64; (Venkataramanayya 1949, p. 217) are correctly interpreted on this point, then we may be quite certain that the same Guṇḍiya was, at least at some point in time, an enemy of Bhīma I and was slain by Bhīma’s son(?) Iṟimaṟtigaṇḍa.
IX
That said, I find it unlikely that our text might mean what PVPS, as cited above, wants it to mean. In addition to the textual and syntactical problems indicated above, we now know that a śrīdvāra (line 49 of the Pedda-Gāḻidipaṟṟu grant of Amma II and my commentary there; line 83 of the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant of Vimalāditya) is an honour conferred by a suzerain on a worthy underling, and not the gate of a city or fortress. Thus, the stanza cannot be about Guṇḍiya’s ostensible breaching of a Cālukya stronghold. Moreover, we must keep in mind that Dānārṇava, or his PR officer Potana Bhaṭṭa, is in something of a tough situation here. He must acknowledge his indebtedness to the Voḍḍi clan (and, indirectly, to the Rāṣṭrakūṭas) while maintaining a proud Cālukyan façade and at least a semblance of independence.
IX
The readings and emendations I suggest in my edition are by no means certain, but they are permitted by the evidence, and fit into my perception of the context. I believe that Guṇḍiya was initially a subordinate of the Veṅgī Cālukyas, but the lands he controlled came at some point (probably in the reign of Bhīma I) under the sway of the Rāṣṭrakūṭas. He may have actively sought Rāṣṭrakūṭa protection or may have offered token resistance before submitting. At any rate, the present inscription seems to claim that a Rāṣṭrakūṭa ruler (Kr̥ṣṇa II?) offered Guṇḍiya the honour of the śrīdvāra (i.e. recognition as an eminent underlord). However, the stalwart man refused this on the grounds that he had already sworn fealty to, and been recognised as worthy by, the Cālukyas.23 He then set up his seat, either in nominal independence or in continuing nominal subordination to the Cālukyas, at a place vacated (presumably after conquest) by the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king. At a slightly later time, his allegiance may have shifted further away from the Cālukyas, culminating in his death at the hand of Iṟimaṟtigaṇḍa. However, this still need not mean that he was at this time a professed Rāṣṭrakūṭa subordinate; in fact, the Masulipatnam plates mentioned above seem rather to say that Iṟimaṟtigaṇḍa defeated Guṇḍiya by means of a Rāṣṭrakūṭa army (vallabha-daṇḍeṇa guṇḍayākhyaṁ hatvā), though the interpretation offered for this by Venkataramanayya, namely that he defeated Guṇḍiya along with a Rāṣṭrakūṭa army, cannot be excluded. Be that as it may, the power relations involved here must have been more complex than the scant evidence allows us to see, and definitely very fluid.
IX
There remains a question of what the vāṭa mentioned in this stanza may have been. If my reconstruction of the text is anywhere close to correct, then there seems to be no alternative but to understand this word as referring to a place, as suggested by PVPS. It may mean “enclosure,” and although vāṭa on its own rather means a garden or park, the abundance of settlement names ending in this word may imply that it also meant a fortification. Or it may be an abbreviated form of such a settlement name. If so, I do not think Vijayavāṭa is a plausible candidate for the town where Guṇḍiya took up residence. Much rather, it may stand for Kuṟṟavāḍi, the place where Guṇḍiya’s son Eṟiya/Eṟṟa is known from the Bayyaram inscription to have ruled (Parabrahma Sastry 1969, line 19). It may be added to this that according to the identifications proposed by Nilakanta Sastri and Venkataramanayya (in Yazdani 1960, p. 481), Kuṟṟavāḍi is modern Kuravi (17°31’28.9"N 80°00’06.6"E) and Peruvaṅgūr, where Guṇḍiya was killed, is modern Peddavangara (17°33’28.2"N 79°34’56.5"E), a mere 44 km west of the former.

Bibliography

Reported in Krishna Sastri 1917, p. 6, appendices A/1916-1917, № 1 with a description at Krishna Sastri 1917, pp. 115–116, § 24. First edited from inked impressions by V. Rangacharya (1955-1956), with facsimiles but without translation. Re-edited by P. V. Parabrahma Sastry (1969) with inferior reproductions of the same impressions, also without translation. Part of this edition (lines 21 to 45 and some text from ll54-56) was re-published in Parabrahma Sastry 1978, pp. 305–307, appendix 1 without any change except the odd new typo. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of the previous editions with Rangacharya’s facsimiles.24

Primary

[VR] Rangacharya, V. 1955-1956. “Mangallu grant of Amma II.” Epigraphia Indica 31, pp. 37–44.

[PVPS] Parabrahma Sastry, P. V. 1969. “The Māṅgallu grant of Dānārṇava.” In: Epigraphia Āndhrica vol. I. Edited by N. Venkataramanayya. Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh, pp. 57–70.

Secondary

Krishna Sastri, H. 1917. Annual report on epigraphy 1916-1917. Recording, with remarks, the progress report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for epigraphy, Southern Circle, for the year 1916-1917. No place. Page 6, appendixes A/1916-1917, item 1.

Krishna Sastri, H. 1917. Annual report on epigraphy 1916-1917. Recording, with remarks, the progress report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for epigraphy, Southern Circle, for the year 1916-1917. No place. Pages 115–116, section 24.

Parabrahma Sastry, P. V. 1969. “The Bayyāram tank inscription of Kākati Mailama.” In: Epigraphia Āndhrica vol. I. Edited by N. Venkataramanayya. Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh, pp. 71–94.

Parabrahma Sastry, P. V. 1978. The Kakatiyas of Warangal. Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh. Pages 14–21.

Parabrahma Sastry, P. V. 1978. The Kakatiyas of Warangal. Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh. Pages 305–307, appendix 1.

Venkataramanayya, N. 1949. “The date of Solada-Ganda Baddega of Vemulavāda.” In: The proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Tenth Session, Bombay University and Bombay Historical Society, Bombay, 1947. By Indian History Congress. Session (10th : 1947 : Bombay, India) creator. Allahabad: Indian History Congress, pp. 214–218.

Yazdani, Ghulam. 1960. The early history of the Deccan, parts I–VI. London: Oxford University Press. [URL]. Page 481.

Notes

  1. 1. Vijayāditya V is named Beta in some records of his much later descendants. In this text, the received reading is Bheka, which is in my opinion a scribal mistake for arbhaka (see the apparatus to line 17), though a deliberate slur is not altogether out of the question. The word bheka means a frog and, at least in lexicons, also a coward.
  2. 2. Though I feel quite certain that this is the intended meaning of the first statement in this stanza, the text is vague and may stand in need of correction. Whereas the second statement includes the reason why the divine exemplar is inferior, I do not see one here and do not know why the Earth Goddess would be thought of as particularly rustic (perhaps because she is worshipped in villages?) and how Brahmā is associated with her (perhaps because he is born of a lotus, which in turn normally rises out of mud?).
  3. 3. The text is slightly garbled here. The eighteen worthy officials were probably intended in the plural (singly rather than as a body), and both of “convokes and commands” should apply to both these officials and the householders in general. Eighteen dignitaries, normally called mahāmātra, are listed inArthaśāstra 12.6 and referred to by the term tīrtha in Arthaśāstra 12.20.
  4. 4. I am not sure my translation exactly reflects the bitextual meaning intended by the composer, especially in the long and rather awkward compound beginning with muktāphala.
  5. 5. There are definitely some errors in the text here (see the apparatus to line 36) and I have not been able to reconstruct it, but the composer’s intent must have been something along these lines.
  6. 6. This stanza is all but incomprehensible, owing to multiple blunders of the engraver and some damage at crucial spots. My translation rests on a number of tentative emendations, and is very uncertain. See the apparatus to lines 37 to 39 for the textual problems, and the commentary for a discussion of the purport.
  7. 7. This sentence is continued in line 54 after the introduction of the donee. The logical subject (in the original, the agent of the sentence in the passive) is repeated there.
  8. 8. There is some uncertainty of the text here, for which see the apparatus to lines 47 and 48. With the reading and emendation suggested by the previous editors, the translation would be “His son was a servant of the lotus that is the two feet of Śrīdhara, a Brahmin by birth, renowned by the name Śrīdhara for being as excellent as Śrīdhara.” The repetition of Śrīdhara with the same meaning in the first and third instance would be poor poetry and there seems to be no need to emphasise that he was born a Brahmin, so I prefer to avoid emendation. If the correct reading were jātyā, I would still prefer to retain bhūdeva- and understand the text to say (somewhat needlessly) that Śrīdhara was Viddamayya’s son by birth.
  9. 9. Throughout this passage, I translate the Telugu phrases tentatively and incompletely on the basis of words occurring in other Eastern Cālukya inscriptions and translated by the respective editors.
  10. 10. Pannasa is an obscure term that may mean land held in some sort of tenure. See Sircar 1966, s.v. pannasa.
  11. 11. Estienne-Monod translates l’étang au lotus.
  12. 12. Ce roi est sans doute Guṇagāṁka
  13. 13. ou Śabara-Vallabha
  14. 14. Feudataire des Rāṣṭrakūṭa, cf. supra II, B, 1, p 25 .
  15. 15. corr. pour Meḻaimha.
  16. 16. Il s’agit Kollabhigaṇḍa-Vijayāditya.
  17. 17. Jeu de mots sur l’opposition entrela mer et la terre, entre le « souverain des flots » et celui qui « administre la terre », ce paradoxe est un virodha, marquée notamment par l’emploi de la particule api . Ainsi, contrairement à l’éditeur de ce texte, nous n’estimons pas que le terme dānārṇava soit à interpréter comme un nom.
  18. 18. Nous n’avons pu proposer de traduction pertinente de ce vers.
  19. 19. La liane est un topos qui renvoie à l’amante. Ce composé laisse suggérer que la gloire, telle une amante passionnée, ne délaisse jamais le roi.
  20. 20. Gardiens et intendants des lieux saints ou allusion à la liste de 18 tīrtha, officiers, fournie dans l’Arthaśāstra, I, 12.
  21. 21. Le vers 9 contient des formes irrecevables. L’éditeur constate qu’en substituant 4 composés du texte et en les remplaçant par d’autres termes, it may yield some sense.
  22. 22. Jeu de mots sur le terme śrīdhara qui désigne à la fois le personnage et l’époux de Śrī, Viṣṇu.
  23. 23. Stanza 20 of the Ciṁbuluru plates of Vijayāditya III says that the general Pāṇḍaraṅga had undertaken an eka-pati-vrata, which presumably means much the same as the sentiment I detect here.
  24. 24. No image of the seal is available.