Palepangan charter (828 Śaka)

Editor: Arlo Griffiths.

Identifier: DHARMA_INSIDENKPalepangan.

Language: Old Javanese.

Repository: Nusantara Epigraphy (tfc-nusantara-epigraphy).

Version: 2024-10-08 08:19 (9d06222), last modified 2024-07-20 13:58 (f510d28).

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⟨Page 1v⟩ ⟨1v1⟩ || ◯ || svasti śaka-varṣātīta 828 punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa, tithi Aṣṭami kr̥ṣṇa-pakṣa, ha, ¿va?⟨pa⟩, śu, vāra, Irikā divasa rāmanta I paL̥paṅan makabehan·, I⟨1v2⟩nanugrahān· vineḥ makmitana prasasti de rakryān· mapatiḥ I hino pu dakṣottama bāhubajra-pratipakṣakṣaya,

samvandhanya saṅkā I tan patūtnikanaṁ ⟨1v3⟩ rāma lavan· saṁ năyaka bhagavanta jyotiṣa, Ikana savaḥnya sinaṅguḥ lamvit· 2 kinon ta ya modhāra, pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩ kunaṁ saṅkā ri ⟨1v4⟩ hə:tnya tan· vnaṁ modhāra samaṅkana, ya ta mataṁṅ yan panamvaḥ rāmanta I rakryān· mapatiḥ⟨,⟩

kinonakan· savaḥnya U(k)uran· Iṁ tampaḥ haji, sinaṅguḥ ⟨1v5⟩ tampaḥ haji, sātus· ḍpa sihvā pañjaṁnya, s(ə)ṅkə:nya tluṁ puluḥ ḍpa sihvā, kinon· maṅukura vadvā rakryān· I hino saṁ brahmā muAṁ rovaṁ samgat· priṁ sa(ṁ) kañcur· ⟨1v6⟩ mijilakan ya lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 7 blaḥ 1 Ikana samaṅkana ya ta kinon· mo(dhāra,) pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩

jari rāmanta matahil· pirak· dhā ⟨1v7⟩ 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩ piṇḍa pirak· patahil· rāmanta rikanaṁ savaḥ lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 7 blaḥ 1 pirak· kā 5 dhā 5 len· saṅkā ri pilih mas· muA(ṁ) kaṭik· prāṇa, ⟨1v8⟩ 8 mara I bhaṭāra prāṇa 4 I saṁ năyaka prāṇa 4 piṇḍa savaḥni kaṭik· lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 1 suku 1 kinabehanya, savaḥ rāmanta lamvit· 1 blaḥ 1 katuhala⟨1v9⟩san· tampaḥ 2 kapkanan· tampaḥ 1 nāhan· pratyekani savaḥ rāmanta sampunyan inukur· I tampaḥ haji, len· sumaṅkā rika hana ta savaḥ bhaṭāra kmitan· rā⟨1v10⟩manta lamvit· 1 dmak·ni p¿a?⟨ū⟩ja(,?) mūla lamvit· 1 tan inukur· Ikā Āpan· hĭnanyan· svabhāvanya, muAṁ lañjān· pirak· dhā 14 patukan· pirak· dhā 4|| panurat· pira⟨1v11⟩k· mā 4(||) Umijil· ri māgha vinava saṁ Umikul· vali bhaṭāra, pavḍus· pirak· mā 8 Umijil· ri sasāṅan·, nāhan· Anugraha rakryān· mapatiḥ I rāmanta I paL̥pa⟨1v12⟩ṅan· sapasug banu¿Ā?⟨A,⟩

tatra sākṣī samgat· priṁ ḍapunta Udāra Anak vanuA I srāṅan· pumpunanni bihāra Iṁ pahai, Amasaṅakan· I rakryān· mapatiḥ (d)y(aḥ) (va)⟨1v13⟩no Anak vanuA I syutan· vatək· tiru raṇu, tuha kalaṁ rikaṁ kāla pu baruṇa, pu palinī, tuha banuA pu kmir·, pu gamana, pu gambir·, gusti pu karṇa, pu Aruṇa, pu ⟨1v14⟩ (vā)ri, guru pu tarañjal·, parujar· pu pradhāna, maṁraṁkpi pu kuḍut·, vinkas· pu sādha, tuha banuA I lampahan· pu gammar·, variga pu bur·, huler pu bay·, nā⟨1v15⟩han· kvaiḥnira maṅagam· kon·, kumayatnākan· Uja¡r!⟨r r⟩akryān· mapatiḥ I hino, likhitapātra citralekha samgat· priṁ

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⟨Page 1v⟩ 
⟨1v1⟩ || ◯ || svasti śaka-varṣātīta 828 punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa, tithi Aṣṭami kr̥ṣṇa-pa◯kṣa, ha, ¿va?⟨pa⟩, śu, vāra, Irikā divasa rāmanta I paL̥paṅan makabehan·, I-
⟨1v2⟩ nanugrahān· vineḥ makmitana prasasti de rakryān· mapatiḥ I hino pu dakṣottama bāhubajra-pratipakṣakṣaya, samvandhanya saṅkā I tan patūtnikanaṁ 
⟨1v3⟩ rāma lavan· saṁ năyaka bhagavanta jyotiṣa, Ikana savaḥnya sinaṅguḥ lamvit· 2 kinon ta ya modhāra, pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩ kunaṁ sa⊔ṅkā ri 
⟨1v4⟩ hə:tnya tan· vnaṁ modhāra samaṅkana, ya ta mataṁṅ yan panamvaḥ rā⊔manta I rakryān· mapa⊔tiḥ⟨,⟩ kinonakan· savaḥnya U(k)uran· Iṁ tampaḥ haji, sinaṅguḥ 
⟨1v5⟩ tampaḥ haji, sātus· ḍpa sihvā pañjaṁnya, s(ə)ṅkə:nya tluṁ puluḥ ḍpa sihvā, kinon· maṅukura vadvā rakryān· I hino saṁ brahmā muAṁ rovaṁ samgat· priṁ sa(ṁ) kañcur· 
⟨1v6⟩ mijilakan ya lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 7 blaḥ 1 Ikana samaṅkana ya ta kinon· mo(dhāra,) pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩ jari rāmanta matahil· pirak· ⊔ dhā 
⟨1v7⟩ 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩ piṇḍa pirak· patahil· rāmanta rikanaṁ savaḥ lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 7 blaḥ 1 pirak· kā 5 dhā 5 len· saṅkā ri pilih mas· muA(ṁ) kaṭik· prāṇa, 
⟨1v8⟩ 8 mara I bhaṭāra prāṇa 4 I saṁ năyaka prāṇa 4 piṇḍa savaḥni kaṭik· lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 1 suku 1 kinabehanya, savaḥ rāmanta lamvit· 1 blaḥ 1 katuhala-
⟨1v9⟩ san· tampaḥ 2 kapkanan· tampaḥ 1 nāhan· pratyekani savaḥ rāmanta sampunyan inukur· I tampaḥ haji, len· sumaṅkā rika hana ta savaḥ bhaṭāra kmitan· rā-
⟨1v10⟩ manta lamvit· 1 dmak·ni p¿a?⟨ū⟩ja(,?) mūla lamvit· 1 tan inukur· Ikā Āpan· hĭnanyan· svabhāvanya, muAṁ lañjān· pirak· dhā 14 patukan· pirak· dhā 4|| panurat· pira-
⟨1v11⟩ k· mā 4(||) Umijil· ri māgha vinava saṁ Umikul· vali bhaṭāra, pavḍus· pirak· mā 8 Umijil· ri sasāṅan·, nāhan· Anugraha rakryān· mapatiḥ I rāmanta I paL̥pa-
⟨1v12⟩ ṅan· sapasug banu¿Ā?⟨A,⟩ tatra sākṣī samgat· priṁ ḍapunta Udāra Anak vanuA I srāṅan· pumpunanni bihāra Iṁ pahai, Amasaṅakan· ⊔I rakryān· mapatiḥ (d)y(aḥ) (va)-
⟨1v13⟩ no Anak vanuA I syutan· vatək· tiru raṇu, tuha kalaṁ rikaṁ kāla pu baruṇa, pu palinī, tuha banuA pu kmir·, pu gamana, pu gambir·, gusti pu karṇa, pu Aruṇa, pu 
⟨1v14⟩ (vā)ri, guru pu tarañja⊔l·, parujar· pu pradhāna, maṁraṁkpi pu kuḍut·, vinkas· pu sādha, tuha banuA I lampahan· pu gammar·, variga pu bur·, huler pu bay·, nā-
⟨1v15⟩ han· kvaiḥnira maṅagam· kon·, kumayatnākan· Uja¡r!⟨r r⟩akryān· mapatiḥ I hino, likhitapātra citralekha samgat· priṁ 

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⟨Page 1v⟩ ⟨1v1⟩ || ◯ || svasti śaka-varṣātīta 828 punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa, tithi Aṣṭami kr̥ṣṇa-pa◯kṣa, ha, ¿va?⟨pa⟩, śu, vāra, Irikā divasa rāmanta I paL̥paṅan makabehan·, I⟨1v2⟩nanugrahān· vineḥ makmitana prasasti de rakryān· mapatiḥ I hino pu dakṣottama bāhubajra-pratipakṣakṣaya,

samvandhanya saṅkā I tan patūtnikanaṁ ⟨1v3⟩ rāma lavan· saṁ năyaka bhagavanta jyotiṣa, Ikana savaḥnya sinaṅguḥ lamvit· 2 kinon ta ya modhāra, pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩ kunaṁ sa⊔ṅkā ri ⟨1v4⟩ hə:tnya tan· vnaṁ modhāra samaṅkana, ya ta mataṁṅ yan panamvaḥ rā⊔manta I rakryān· mapa⊔tiḥ⟨,⟩

jari rāmanta matahil· pirak· ⊔ dhā ⟨1v7⟩ 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ⟨,⟩ piṇḍa pirak· patahil· rāmanta rikanaṁ savaḥ lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 7 blaḥ 1 pirak· kā 5 dhā 5 len· saṅkā ri pilih mas· muA(ṁ) kaṭik· prāṇa, ⟨1v8⟩ 8 mara I bhaṭāra prāṇa 4 I saṁ năyaka prāṇa 4 piṇḍa savaḥni kaṭik· lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 1 suku 1 kinabehanya, savaḥ rāmanta lamvit· 1 blaḥ 1 katuhala⟨1v9⟩san· tampaḥ 2 kapkanan· tampaḥ 1 nāhan· pratyekani savaḥ rāmanta sampunyan inukur· I tampaḥ haji, len· sumaṅkā rika hana ta savaḥ bhaṭāra kmitan· rā⟨1v10⟩manta lamvit· 1 dmak·ni p¿a?⟨ū⟩ja(,?) mūla lamvit· 1 tan inukur· Ikā Āpan· hĭnanyan· svabhāvanya, muAṁ lañjān· pirak· dhā 14 patukan· pirak· dhā 4|| panurat· pira⟨1v11⟩k· mā 4(||) Umijil· ri māgha vinava saṁ Umikul· vali bhaṭāra, pavḍus· pirak· mā 8 Umijil· ri sasāṅan·, nāhan· Anugraha rakryān· mapatiḥ I rāmanta I paL̥pa⟨1v12⟩ṅan· sapasug banu¿Ā?⟨A,⟩

tatra sākṣī samgat· priṁ ḍapunta Udāra Anak vanuA I srāṅan· pumpunanni bihāra Iṁ pahai, Amasaṅakan· ⊔I rakryān· mapatiḥ (d)y(aḥ) (va)⟨1v13⟩no Anak vanuA I syutan· vatək· tiru raṇu, tuha kalaṁ rikaṁ kāla pu baruṇa, pu palinī, tuha banuA pu kmir·, pu gamana, pu gambir·, gusti pu karṇa, pu Aruṇa, pu ⟨1v14⟩ (vā)ri, guru pu tarañja⊔l·, parujar· pu pradhāna, maṁraṁkpi pu kuḍut·, vinkas· pu sādha, tuha banuA I lampahan· pu gammar·, variga pu bur·, huler pu bay·, nā⟨1v15⟩han· kvaiḥnira maṅagam· kon·, kumayatnākan· Uja¡r!⟨r r⟩akryān· mapatiḥ I hino, likhitapātra citralekha samgat· priṁ

Apparatus

⟨1v1⟩ 828 punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa D Boe ⬦ 848 [4×]-māsa B. — ⟨1v1⟩ kr̥ṣṇa-pa◯kṣa D Boe ⬦ śukla-pakṣa B. — ⟨1v1⟩ ¿va?⟨pa⟩ • The need to make this correction was first pointed out by Damais 1955 and confirmed by Eade and Gislén 2000.

⟨1v3⟩ Ikana ⬦ Ikanaṁ B Boe.

⟨1v4⟩ U(k)uran· ⬦ Uturan B Boe • The reading Ukuran was proposed by Sarkar 1939, p. 126, n. 6. — ⟨1v4⟩ s(ə)ṅkə:nya ⬦ siṅkrənya B Boe • The prevous editors have misunderstood the length-mark (tarung) as r (cakra).

⟨1v5⟩ sa(ṁ) kañcur· ⬦ sakañcur· B Boe • The reading with anusvāra to yield saṁ was proposed by Damais 1970, p. 324.

⟨1v6⟩ mijilakan ya ⬦ mijilakanya B Boe. — ⟨1v6⟩ blaḥ 1 B ⬦ blaḥ I Boe.

⟨1v9⟩ katuhala⟨1v9⟩san· ⬦ katuha lavan· B Boe. — ⟨1v9⟩ tampaḥ 2 Boe ⬦ tampaḥ 4 B.

⟨1v10⟩ dmak·ni p¿a?⟨ū⟩ja(,?) mūla ⬦ dmak·ni pajamūla B Boe • The presence of a punctuation sign before mūla is very uncertain. If there is none, then an alternative way to edit the segment might be p¿aj?⟨ād⟩amūla, with reference to the Tiga Ron inscription, lines 6–7: vuAra mas· su 10 Akṣayiṇi kmitanni rāma I vuru tuṅgal· parbhaktya[nya] (pā)damūla “It has 10 suvarṇa of permanent gold kept by the elders of Vuru Tuṅgal, as endowment for the temple manager”. The idea that dmak·ni paja is a mistake for dmak·ni pūja is supported by the mention of a savaḥ dmak· caruA saṁ hyaṁ vināya “endowment wet-ricefield for offerings to god Vināya”. The word mūla is then assumed to stand at the head of a new phrase, as is often seen in inscriptions of this period. — ⟨1v10⟩ Ikā Āpan· ⬦ Ika Āpan· B Boe.

⟨1v11⟩ sasāṅan· ⬦ (vata)ṅan· B Boe.

⟨1v14⟩ lampahan· B ⬦ lampapan· Boe.

Translation by Arlo Griffiths

(1v1–1v2) Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 828, intercalary month of Śravaṇa, eighth tithi of the waning fortnight, Haryaṅ, Vās, Friday. That was the time that the elders of Palepangan were collectively granted the privilege of being allowed to keep a charter by the lord minister of Hino, pu Dakṣottama Bāhubajra Pratipakṣakṣaya.

(1v2–1v4) The occasion for it was due to the elders not being in accord with the nāyaka, (namely) the reverend Jyotiṣa [that] their wet ricefield is considered as [measuring] 2 lamvit. They were ordered to excise (udhāra) 6 dhāraṇa of silver for every single tampah. But due to its deficiency (compared to said estimate) they were not able to excise that much. That is why the elders petitioned (sambah) the lord minister.

(1v4–1v6) Their wet ricefield was ordered to be measured by the royal tampah. The royal tampah is considered to be a hundred ḍpa sihvā in length, thirty ḍpa sihvā in breadth. The assistant of the lord of Hino, (namely) saṅ Brahmā, as well as the officiant of Priṅ’s companion (called) saṅ Kañcur, were ordered to measure. They produced [as result] 1 lamvit, 7 tampah, 1 blah. As much as that (aforementioned sum) they (namely the elders) were ordered to excise: 6 dhāraṇa of silver for every single tampah.

(1v6–1v12) Thereupon (jari), the elders contributed in tahil (tax) 6 dhāraṇa of silver for every single tampah. The total amount of silver serving the elders to contribute tahil on the ricefield of 1 lamvit, 7 tampah, 1 blah, was 5 kāṭi and 5 dhāraṇa of silver, besides pilih mas and 8 laborers (kaṭik), 4 of them for the deity, 4 of them for the nāyaka. The total amount of wet ricefield of the laborers was 1 lamvit, 1 tampah, 1 suku held in common. The wet ricefield of the elders was 1 lamvit, 1 blah; the [wet ricefield] of the forest inspector was 2 tampah; the [wet ricefield] of the surveyor of markets was 1 tampah. Such was the specification of the wet ricefields after they had been measured in tampah haji. Besides them there was 1 lamvit of wet ricefield of the deity kept by the elders as endowment for the cult (pūja) — the value (mūla) of 1 lamvit was not measured, because of the destituteness of its condition — with the income from subletting (lañjān) of 14 dhāraṇa of silver; the patukan of 4 māṣa of silver; the panurat of 4 dhāraṇa of silver. They are due (umijil) in Māgha [and] taken by the ones who carry the deity’s offerings (bali) by pikul. The pavḍus of 4 māṣa of silver is due in the Ninth [month] (Caitra). Thus was the grant of the lord minister of Hino to the elders of Palepangan with all the village inhabitants.

(1v12–1v15) The witnesses to it were:

the officiant of Priṅ [named] ḍapunta Udāra, native of the village of Sraṅan, domain of the monastery at Pahai, teaming up (?) with the lord minister dyah Vano, native of the village of Syutan, district of Tiru Raṇu;
the Kalaṅ overseers at the time (named) pu Baruṇa [and] pu Palinī;
the village overseers pu Kmir, pu Gamana [and] pu Gambir;
the gustis: pu Karṇa, pu Aruṇa, pu Vāri;
the teacher pu Tarañjal;
the herald pu Pradhāna;
the maṅraṅkəpi pu Kuḍut;
the vinkas pu Sādha;
the village overseer of Lampahan: pu Gəmar;
the astrologer pu Bur;
the irrigation head: pu Bay.

Thus was the total of those holding office, who devoted their full attention to the words of the minister of Hino.

(1v15) Written by the officiant of Priṅ as calligrapher.

Commentary

(3) On the nāyaka bhagavanta Jyotiṣa, J. G. de Casparis observed: “From the high title of the nāyaka (Bhagawanta is derived from Sanskrit bhagavant), we may conclude that the nāyakas were by no means always lower-class people; their position may have been in relation with the authorities in whose name they acted.” (de Casparis 1956, p. 228, n. 65) However, it is also possible that the words mean “the nāyaka of the reverend Jyotiṣa”.

(3–6) The term modhāra, here tentatively translated as “to excise”, has not so far been properly explained. Sarkar (n. 14 = n. 16) states: “The text has modhāra, whereof the root appears to be u(d)dhara. The term therefore appears to have the same significance as soddhara in soddhara haji (= dravya haji).” The latter thus seems to mean “all royal excise”. A helpful parallel passage is found in the Luitan charter (823 Śaka), 1v2: Umajarakan· parṇaḥnikanaṁ savaḥ kmitanya tan· vnaṁ maṅisī Uddhāra, saṁkhā ri hə:tnikanaṁ sinaṅguḥ satampaḥ. In OJED, under uddhāra, only the verb form aṅuddhāra meaning “to make selections” is recorded. Money-related meanings are however recorded for the original Sanskrit word, also borrowed into several other Indian languages, in Sircar 1966, p. 348 (“borrowed on trust or credit”).

(6) On jari, cf. my notes in translation file for Kinewu. OJED’s suggestion thereupon s.v. jarīya works well here.

Wisseman Christie 2004: 92: "20 dharana ... = 1 kati".

"There were apparently 4 suku or 2 blah in 1 tampah, and 10 tampah in 1 lamwit." Barrett Jones 1984: 145 comes to a different conclusion.

On kaṭik, see Stutterheim 1925: 241 f n. 61. Barrett Jones 1984: 128 and Tiga Prasasti Jaman Balitung p. 41 n. 10. Connection with patik?

On hĭnanyan svabhāvanira, see Sarvadharma 3r3–4 ya tikānmahakən trāsanya, An tinitiḥ byət· deniṁ thāni bala, pinisakitan· tan kinavruhan hĭnanya “That resulted in their fear of being heavily imposed by the Thāni Bala; that they would be tormented without their misery being known”.

(10–11) The emendation of paja to pūja makes it possible to imagine a meaningful connection with the mention of vali (Sanskrit bali) in the next line, as pūjā and bali are two fundamental categories of Hindu worship. It seems unnatural to give to mūla any of the meanings recorded in OJED. The meaning “value” assumed in my translation is attested in Old Khmer (http://sealang.net/oldkhmer/) and is found also in some other contemporary inscriptions of Java, notably in the Landa inscription. That same inscription is relevant for our understanding of the term lañjān, not recorded in OJED. It occurs three times in that inscription, in contexts which are very comparable to the present one. (Another possible occurrence is found in Rumwiga 1r3.) While no word lañjān or base lañja is recorded in OJED, or even in any dictionary of Modern Javanese that I have been able to consult, the word lañja is attested in Old Sundanese where it means “layer” and is also used as verb meaning “to layer, to apply as a layer”, normally applied to precious metal or gems, as for instance in the Siksa Kandaṅ Karəsian. But in Modern Sundanese the base lanja is used in connection with sawah. See Hardjadibrata and Eringa 2003, s.v. lanja: “vi. ngalanja (unc.) add a second layer to the first one, cover in (over/up) st.; repeat a job or action; take a second one to a woman; take a second one to a moneylender/supplier; ngalanja sawah (of a landowner) get rice-fields under his management in order to sublet them to small farmers; ngalanjakeun give management of (rice-fields) to sublet them to a third party (esp. by a village head to a trusted person, middleman/agent between the owner and cultivator); jual lanja s.m. tutung duit (see tutung)”. It is on this basis, and on the basis of what can be extrapolated from the present context, to I propose to interpret the derived form lañja-an as meaning “income from subletting”.

(11) sasaṅan: the morphological pattern of this designation for the Ninth month does not seem to have been described yet for OJ. In Modern Sundanese, there is lilikuran meaning “(of the month) between the 20th and the 30th (particularly during the fasting month)”.

It seems that here, as in other cases, the first witness is also the scribe, though the last sentence could equally be translated “Written by the calligrapher of the officiant of Priṅ”.

(12) amasaṅakan i: the same usage is found in the Alasantan charter.

Bibliography

First published by F. D. K. Bosch (1917), without translation; reading of the date revised by Bosch (1924); text republished by H. B. Sarkar (Sarkar 1939), who offered no new readings but did add an English translation (this article was republished as part of Sarkar 1971–1972, without significant changes); the dating formula was re-edited and analyzed by L.-Ch. Damais (1955); a slightly revised reading of the whole text was included in Boechari 1985–1986; a new English translation was offered by Wisseman Christie (1998, App. 3). The text is re-edited here by Arlo Griffiths based on the photos EFEO_GROB03804 and OD-5197, with a new translation into English. While the edition of Bosch (and after him, that of Sarkar) entirely ignored the basic punctuation signs in the original, Boechari represents them but does so haphazardly. The apparatus offered here does not record any diference of reading punctuation signs vis-à-vis prevous editions. Since Sarkar’s editions are entirely derivative from Bosch’ work, his readings are not recorded in the apparatus either.

Primary

[B] Bosch, Frederik David Kan. 1917. “Een koperen plaat van 848 Śaka.” OV (Bijlage M), pp. 88–98.

[S1] Sarkar, Himansu Bhusan. 1939. “The copper-plate of Barabudur, 828 Saka.” JGIS 6 (2), pp. 124–130.

[S2] Sarkar, Himansu Bhusan. 1971–1972. Corpus of the inscriptions of Java (Corpus inscriptionum Javanicarum), up to 928 A. D. 2 vols. Calcutta: K.L. Mukhopadhyay. Volume 2, pages 55–59, item 68.

[Boe] Boechari. 1985–1986. Prasasti koleksi Museum Nasional, Jilid I. Jakarta: Proyek Pengembangan Museum Nasional, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. [URL]. Pages 124–126, item E.63.

Secondary

Krom, Nicolaas Johannes. 1919. “Epigraphische bijdragen, I: Een koperplaat van 848 Çāka? II: De inscriptie van Pereng; III: De Singasari-inscriptie van 1273.” BKI 75, pp. 8–24. Item I.

Bosch, Frederik David Kan. 1920. “Epigraphische en iconographische aanteekeningen, 1: Nogmals de koperen plaat van 848 Çaka; 2: De inscriptie van Ranoe-Kembolo; 3: Een gouden Hindoe-beeldje van Mindanao (Philippijnen); 4 Oudheden ter Westerafdeeling van Borneo; 5 Aanvulling op de literatuur-opgave van Tjandi Prambanan (Rapp. Oudhk. Dienst 1915 p. 54).” OV (Bijlage I), pp. 98–106. Item 1, pages 98–101.

Muusses, Martha A. 1923. “Gedateerde inscripties van Nederlandsch-Indië (vierde aanvulling).” OV (Bijlage I), pp. 103–109. Page 105.

Bosch, Frederik David Kan. 1924. “Het Lingga-heiligdom van Dinaja.” TBG 64, pp. 227–286. Page 229, note 1.

Krom, Nicolaas Johannes. 1931. Hindoe-Javaansche geschiedenis. 2nd edition. ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff. [URL]. Page 186.

Stutterheim, Willem Frederik. 1937. “De archaeologische verzameling.” JBG 4, pp. 146–156. Page 154.

No name. 1937. Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen: Jaarboek IV — 1937. Bandoeng: Nix & Co. Page 160.

Damais, Louis-Charles. 1951. “Études d’épigraphie indonésienne, I: Méthode de réduction des dates javanaises en dates européennes.” BEFEO 45 (1), pp. 1–41. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.1951.5509. [URL]. Page 59.

Damais, Louis-Charles. 1952. “Études d’épigraphie indonésienne, III: Liste des principales inscriptions datées de l’Indonesie.” BEFEO 46 (1), pp. 1–105. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.1952.5158. [URL]. Pages 46–47, part A, item 80.

[D] Damais, Louis-Charles. 1955. “Études d’épigraphie indonésienne, IV: Discussion de la date des inscriptions.” BEFEO 47, pp. 7–290. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.1955.5406. [URL]. Pages 178–180.

de Casparis, Johannes Gijsbertus. 1956. Selected inscriptions from the 7^th to the 9^th century A.D. Prasasti Indonesia 2. Bandung: Masa Baru. Page 228, note 65.

Damais, Louis-Charles. 1970. Répertoire onomastique de l'épigraphie javanaise (jusqu'à Pu Siṇḍok Śrī Īśānawikrama Dharmmotuṅgadewa): Étude d'épigraphie indonésienne. Publications de l'École française d'Extrême-Orient 66. Paris: École française d'Extrême-Orient. Page 51, item 133.

Nakada, Kōzō. 1982. An inventory of the dated inscriptions in Java. Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 40. Tokyo: Toyo Bunko. Pages 92–95, part 1, item 93.

Wisseman Christie, Jan. 1998. “Weights and measures in early Javanese states.” In: Southeast Asian Archaeology 1996: Proceedings of the 6th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, Leiden, 2–6 September 1996. Edited by Marijke J. Klokke and T. de Bruijn. Hull: Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, pp. 147–162. Pages 160–161.

Eade, J. C. and Lars Gislén. 2000. Early Javanese inscriptions: A new dating method. Handbuch der Orientalistik. 3. Abt., Südostasien 10. Leiden: Brill. Pages 34–36.

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<change who="part:wjsa" when="2024-05-01" status="draft">Fixed an error in the de Casparis blockquote</change>

<change who="part:argr" when="2021-02-04" status="draft">further revisions to various parts of the file</change>

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<change who="part:axja" when="2020-11-03" status="draft">Updating toward the encoding template v03</change>

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<pb n="1v"/><lb n="1v1"/><g type="ddanda"/> <g type="circle"/> <g type="ddanda"/> svasti śaka-varṣātīta <num value="828">828</num> punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa, tithi Aṣṭami kr̥ṣṇa-pa<space type="binding-hole"/>kṣa, <abbr>ha</abbr>, <abbr><choice><sic>va</sic><corr>pa</corr></choice></abbr>, <abbr>śu</abbr>, vāra, Irikā divasa rāmanta I paL̥paṅan makabehan·, I<lb n="1v2" break="no"/>nanugrahān· vineḥ makmitana prasasti de rakryān· mapatiḥ I hino pu dakṣottama bāhubajra-pratipakṣakṣaya, samvandhanya saṅkā I tan patūtnikanaṁ

<lb n="1v3"/>rāma lavan· saṁ năyaka bhagavanta jyotiṣa, Ikana savaḥnya sinaṅguḥ lamvit· <num value="2">2</num> kinon ta ya modhāra, pirak· <abbr>dhā</abbr> <num value="6">6</num> I satampaḥ-satampaḥ<supplied reason="subaudible">,</supplied> kunaṁ sa<space type="descender"/>ṅkā ri

<lb n="1v4"/>hə:tnya tan· vnaṁ modhāra samaṅkana, ya ta mataṁṅ yan panamvaḥ rā<space type="descender"/>manta I rakryān· mapa<space type="descender"/>tiḥ<supplied reason="subaudible">,</supplied> kinonakan· savaḥnya U<unclear>k</unclear>uran· Iṁ tampaḥ haji, sinaṅguḥ

<lb n="1v5"/>tampaḥ haji, sātus· ḍpa sihvā pañjaṁnya, s<unclear>ə</unclear>ṅkə:nya tluṁ puluḥ ḍpa sihvā, kinon· maṅukura vadvā rakryān· I hino saṁ brahmā muAṁ rovaṁ <abbr>samgat·</abbr> priṁ sa<unclear>ṁ</unclear> kañcur·

<lb n="1v6"/>mijilakan ya lamvit· <num value="1">1</num> tampaḥ <num value="7">7</num> blaḥ <num value="1">1</num> Ikana samaṅkana ya ta kinon· mo<unclear>dhāra,</unclear> pirak· <abbr>dhā</abbr> <num value="6">6</num> I satampaḥ-satampaḥ<supplied reason="subaudible">,</supplied> jari rāmanta matahil· pirak· <space type="descender"/> <abbr>dhā</abbr>

<lb n="1v7"/><num value="6">6</num> I satampaḥ-satampaḥ<supplied reason="subaudible">,</supplied> piṇḍa pirak· patahil· rāmanta rikanaṁ savaḥ lamvit· <num value="1">1</num> tampaḥ <num value="7">7</num> blaḥ <num value="1">1</num> pirak· <abbr>kā</abbr> <num value="5">5</num> <abbr>dhā</abbr> <num value="5">5</num> len· saṅkā ri pilih mas· muA<unclear>ṁ</unclear> kaṭik· prāṇa,

<lb n="1v8"/><num value="8">8</num> mara I bhaṭāra prāṇa <num value="4">4</num> I saṁ năyaka prāṇa <num value="4">4</num> piṇḍa savaḥni kaṭik· lamvit· <num value="1">1</num> tampaḥ <num value="1">1</num> suku <num value="1">1</num> kinabehanya, savaḥ rāmanta lamvit· <num value="1">1</num> blaḥ <num>1</num> katuhala<lb n="1v9" break="no"/>san· tampaḥ <num value="2">2</num> kapkanan· tampaḥ <num value="1">1</num> nāhan· pratyekani savaḥ rāmanta sampunyan inukur· I tampaḥ haji, len· sumaṅkā rika hana ta savaḥ bhaṭāra kmitan· rā<lb n="1v10" break="no"/>manta lamvit· <num value="1">1</num> dmak·ni p<choice><sic>a</sic><corr>ū</corr></choice>ja<unclear cert="low">,</unclear> mūla lamvit· <num value="1">1</num> tan inukur· Ikā Āpan· hĭnanyan· svabhāvanya, muAṁ lañjān· pirak· <abbr>dhā</abbr> <num value="14">14</num> patukan· pirak· <abbr>dhā</abbr> <num value="4">4</num><g type="ddanda">.</g> panurat· pira<lb n="1v11" break="no"/>k· <abbr>mā</abbr> <num value="4">4</num><unclear><g type="ddanda">.</g></unclear> Umijil· ri māgha vinava saṁ Umikul· vali bhaṭāra, pavḍus· pirak· <abbr>mā</abbr> <num value="8">8</num> Umijil· ri sasāṅan·, nāhan· Anugraha rakryān· mapatiḥ I rāmanta I paL̥pa<lb n="1v12" break="no"/>ṅan· sapasug banu<choice><sic>Ā</sic><corr>A,</corr></choice> tatra sākṣī <abbr>samgat·</abbr> priṁ ḍapunta Udāra Anak vanuA I srāṅan· pumpunanni bihāra Iṁ pahai, Amasaṅakan· <space type="descender"/>I rakryān· mapatiḥ <unclear>d</unclear>y<unclear>aḥ</unclear> <unclear>va</unclear><lb n="1v13" break="no"/>no Anak vanuA I syutan· vatək· tiru raṇu, tuha kalaṁ rikaṁ kāla pu baruṇa, pu palinī, tuha banuA pu kmir·, pu gamana, pu gambir·, gusti pu karṇa, pu Aruṇa, pu

<lb n="1v14"/><unclear>vā</unclear>ri, guru pu tarañja<space type="descender"/>l·, parujar· pu pradhāna, maṁraṁkpi pu kuḍut·, vinkas· pu sādha, tuha banuA I lampahan· pu gammar·, variga pu bur·, huler pu bay·, nā<lb n="1v15" break="no"/>han· kvaiḥnira maṅagam· kon·, kumayatnākan· Uja<choice><orig>r</orig><reg>r r</reg></choice>akryān· mapatiḥ I hino, likhitapātra citralekha <abbr>samgat·</abbr> priṁ

</div>

<!-- 1v3 Ikana — Ikanaṁ Sarkar and Boechari:

sinaṅguḥ — siaṅguḥ PKMN

-->

<lem source="bib:Damais1955_01 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01"><num value="828">828</num> punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa</lem>

</app>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02">śukla-pakṣa</rdg>

</app>

<note>The need to make this correction was first pointed out by <bibl><ptr target="bib:Damais1955_01"/></bibl> and confirmed by <bibl><ptr target="bib:Eade+Gislen2000_01"/></bibl>.</note>

</app>

<lem>Ikana</lem>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">Ikanaṁ</rdg>

</app>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">Uturan</rdg>

<note>The reading <foreign>Ukuran</foreign> was proposed by <bibl><ptr target="bib:Sarkar1939_01"/><citedRange unit="page">126</citedRange><citedRange unit="note">6</citedRange></bibl>.</note>

</app>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">siṅkrənya</rdg>

<note>The prevous editors have misunderstood the length-mark (<foreign>tarung</foreign>) as <foreign>r</foreign> (<foreign>cakra</foreign>).</note>

</app>

<lem>sa<unclear>ṁ</unclear> kañcur·</lem>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">sakañcur·</rdg>

<note>The reading with <foreign>anusvāra</foreign> to yield <foreign>saṁ</foreign> was proposed by <bibl><ptr target="bib:Damais1970_01"/><citedRange unit="page">324</citedRange></bibl>.</note>

</app>

<lem>mijilakan ya</lem>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">mijilakanya</rdg>

</app>

</app>

<lem>katuhala<lb n="1v9" break="no"/>san·</lem>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">katuha lavan·</rdg>

</app>

<lem source="bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">tampaḥ <num value="2">2</num></lem>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02">tampaḥ 4</rdg>

</app>

<rdg source="bib:Bosch1917_02 bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">dmak·ni pajamūla</rdg>

<note>The presence of a punctuation sign before <foreign>mūla</foreign> is very uncertain. If there is none, then an alternative way to edit the segment might be <foreign>p<choice><sic>aj</sic><corr>ād</corr></choice>amūla</foreign>, with reference to the <ref target="DHARMA_INSIDENKTigaRon.xml">Tiga Ron</ref> inscription, lines 6–7: <foreign>vuAra mas· su 10 Akṣayiṇi kmitanni rāma I vuru tuṅgal· parbhaktya<supplied reason="lost">nya</supplied> <unclear>pā</unclear>damūla</foreign> <q>It has 10 <foreign>suvarṇa</foreign> of permanent gold kept by the elders of Vuru Tuṅgal, as endowment for the temple manager</q>. The idea that <foreign>dmak·ni paja</foreign> is a mistake for <foreign>dmak·ni pūja</foreign> is supported by the mention of a <foreign>savaḥ dmak· caruA saṁ hyaṁ vināya</foreign> <q>endowment wet-ricefield for offerings to god Vināya</q>. The word <foreign>mūla</foreign> is then assumed to stand at the head of a new phrase, as is often seen in inscriptions of this period.</note>

</app>

</app>

<lem>sasāṅan·</lem>

</app>

<lem source="bib:Bosch1917_02">lampahan·</lem>

<rdg source="bib:Boechari1985-1986_01">lampapan·</rdg>

</app>

</listApp>

</div>

Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 828, intercalary month of Śravaṇa, eighth <foreign>tithi</foreign> of the waning fortnight, Haryaṅ, Vās, Friday. That was the time that the elders of Palepangan were collectively granted the privilege of being allowed to keep a charter by the lord minister of Hino, <foreign>pu</foreign> Dakṣottama Bāhubajra Pratipakṣakṣaya.

The occasion for it was due to the elders not being in accord with the <foreign>nāyaka</foreign>, <supplied reason="explanation">namely</supplied> the reverend Jyotiṣa <supplied reason="subaudible">that</supplied> their wet ricefield is considered as <supplied reason="subaudible">measuring</supplied> 2 <foreign>lamvit</foreign>. They were ordered to excise <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>udhāra</foreign></supplied> 6 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of silver for every single <foreign>tampah</foreign>. But due to its deficiency <supplied reason="explanation">compared to said estimate</supplied> they were not able to excise that much. That is why the elders petitioned <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>sambah</foreign></supplied> the lord minister.

Their wet ricefield was ordered to be measured by the royal <foreign>tampah</foreign>. The royal <foreign>tampah</foreign> is considered to be a hundred <foreign>ḍpa sihvā</foreign> in length, thirty <foreign>ḍpa sihvā</foreign> in breadth. The assistant of the lord of Hino, <supplied reason="explanation">namely</supplied> <foreign>saṅ</foreign> Brahmā, as well as the officiant of Priṅ's companion <supplied reason="explanation">called</supplied> <foreign>saṅ</foreign> Kañcur, were ordered to measure. They produced <supplied reason="subaudible">as result</supplied> 1 <foreign>lamvit</foreign>, 7 <foreign>tampah</foreign>, 1 <foreign>blah</foreign>. As much as that <supplied reason="explanation">aforementioned sum</supplied> they <supplied reason="explanation">namely the elders</supplied> were ordered to excise: 6 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of silver for every single <foreign>tampah</foreign>.

Thereupon <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>jari</foreign></supplied>, the elders contributed in <foreign>tahil</foreign> <supplied reason="explanation">tax</supplied> 6 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of silver for every single <foreign>tampah</foreign>. The total amount of silver serving the elders to contribute <foreign>tahil</foreign> on the ricefield of 1 <foreign>lamvit</foreign>, 7 <foreign>tampah</foreign>, 1 <foreign>blah</foreign>, was 5 <foreign>kāṭi</foreign> and 5 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of silver, besides <foreign>pilih mas</foreign> and 8 laborers <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>kaṭik</foreign></supplied>, 4 of them for the deity, 4 of them for the <foreign>nāyaka</foreign>. The total amount of wet ricefield of the laborers was 1 <foreign>lamvit</foreign>, 1 <foreign>tampah</foreign>, 1 <foreign>suku</foreign> held in common. The wet ricefield of the elders was 1 <foreign>lamvit</foreign>, 1 <foreign>blah</foreign>; the <supplied reason="subaudible">wet ricefield</supplied> of the forest inspector was 2 <foreign>tampah</foreign>; the <supplied reason="subaudible">wet ricefield</supplied> of the surveyor of markets was 1 <foreign>tampah</foreign>. Such was the specification of the wet ricefields after they had been measured in <foreign>tampah haji</foreign>.

Besides them there was 1 <foreign>lamvit</foreign> of wet ricefield of the deity kept by the elders as endowment for the cult <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>pūja</foreign></supplied> — the value <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>mūla</foreign></supplied> of 1 <foreign>lamvit</foreign> was not measured, because of the destituteness of its condition — with the income from subletting <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>lañjān</foreign></supplied> of 14 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of silver; the <foreign>patukan</foreign> of 4 <foreign>māṣa</foreign> of silver; the <foreign>panurat</foreign> of 4 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of silver. They are due <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>umijil</foreign></supplied> in Māgha <supplied reason="subaudible">and</supplied> taken by the ones who carry the deity's offerings <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>bali</foreign></supplied> by <foreign>pikul</foreign>. The <foreign>pavḍus</foreign> of 4 <foreign>māṣa</foreign> of silver is due in the Ninth <supplied reason="subaudible">month</supplied> <supplied reason="explanation">Caitra</supplied>. Thus was the grant of the lord minister of Hino to the elders of Palepangan with all the village inhabitants.

The witnesses to it were:

<list>

<item>the officiant of Priṅ <supplied reason="subaudible">named</supplied> <foreign>ḍapunta</foreign> Udāra, native of the village of Sraṅan, domain of the monastery at Pahai, teaming up (?) with the lord minister <foreign>dyah</foreign> Vano, native of the village of Syutan, district of Tiru Raṇu;</item>

<item>the Kalaṅ overseers at the time <supplied reason="explanation">named</supplied> <foreign>pu</foreign> Baruṇa <supplied reason="subaudible">and</supplied> <foreign>pu</foreign> Palinī;</item>

<item>the village overseers <foreign>pu</foreign> Kmir, <foreign>pu</foreign> Gamana <supplied reason="subaudible">and</supplied> <foreign>pu</foreign> Gambir;</item>

<item>the <foreign>gusti</foreign>s: <foreign>pu</foreign> Karṇa, <foreign>pu</foreign> Aruṇa, <foreign>pu</foreign> Vāri;</item>

<item>the teacher <foreign>pu</foreign> Tarañjal;</item>

<item>the herald <foreign>pu</foreign> Pradhāna;</item>

<item>the <foreign>maṅraṅkəpi</foreign> <foreign>pu</foreign> Kuḍut;</item>

<item>the <foreign>vinkas</foreign> <foreign>pu</foreign> Sādha;</item>

<item>the village overseer of Lampahan: <foreign>pu</foreign> Gəmar;</item>

<item>the astrologer <foreign>pu</foreign> Bur;</item>

<item>the irrigation head: <foreign>pu</foreign> Bay.</item>

</list>

Thus was the total of those holding office, who devoted their full attention to the words of the minister of Hino.

Written by the officiant of Priṅ as calligrapher.

</div>

On the <foreign>nāyaka bhagavanta</foreign> Jyotiṣa, J. G. de Casparis observed: <cit><quote>From the high title of the <foreign>nāyaka</foreign> (<foreign>Bhagawanta</foreign> is derived from Sanskrit <foreign>bhagavant</foreign>), we may conclude that the <foreign>nāyaka</foreign>s were by no means always lower-class people; their position may have been in relation with the authorities in whose name they acted.</quote><bibl rend="default"><ptr target="bib:Casparis1956_01"/><citedRange unit="page">228</citedRange><citedRange unit="note">65</citedRange></bibl></cit> However, it is also possible that the words mean <q>the <foreign>nāyaka</foreign> of the reverend Jyotiṣa</q>.

The term <foreign>modhāra</foreign>, here tentatively translated as <q>to excise</q>, has not so far been properly explained. Sarkar (n. 14 = n. 16) states: <q>The text has <foreign>modhāra</foreign>, whereof the root appears to be <foreign>u(d)dhara</foreign>. The term therefore appears to have the same significance as <foreign>soddhara</foreign> in <foreign>soddhara haji</foreign> (= <foreign>dravya haji</foreign>).</q> The latter thus seems to mean <q>all royal excise</q>. A helpful parallel passage is found in the <ref target="DHARMA_INSIDENKLuitan.xml">Luitan</ref> charter (823 Śaka), 1v2: <foreign>Umajarakan· parṇaḥnikanaṁ savaḥ kmitanya tan· vnaṁ maṅisī Uddhāra, saṁkhā ri hə:tnikanaṁ sinaṅguḥ satampaḥ</foreign>. In OJED, under <foreign>uddhāra</foreign>, only the verb form <foreign>aṅuddhāra</foreign> meaning <q>to make selections</q> is recorded. Money-related meanings are however recorded for the original Sanskrit word, also borrowed into several other Indian languages, in <bibl><ptr target="bib:Sircar1966_01"/><citedRange>348</citedRange></bibl> (<q>borrowed on trust or credit</q>).

<!--Sircar, IEG, p. 348: uddhāra (LP), borrowed on trust or credit; cf. udhār. (IE 8-5), same as udranga; cf. Tamil uttāra*

uddhāra-proddhāra (LP), taking on credit ; cf. Marathi udhār-pādhār.

uddhārya (LP), 'may be debited'; cf. Gujarat! udhāravuṁ.

uddhārya-vyavahāra (LP), the business of lending money. -->

On <foreign>jari</foreign>, cf. my notes in translation file for Kinewu. OJED's suggestion <foreign>thereupon</foreign> s.v. <foreign>jarīya</foreign> works well here.

Wisseman Christie 2004: 92: "20 dharana ... = 1 kati".

"There were apparently 4 suku or 2 blah in 1 tampah, and 10 tampah in 1 lamwit." Barrett Jones 1984: 145 comes to a different conclusion.

On <foreign>kaṭik</foreign>, see Stutterheim 1925: 241 f n. 61. Barrett Jones 1984: 128 and Tiga Prasasti Jaman Balitung p. 41 n. 10. Connection with <foreign>patik</foreign>?

On <foreign>hĭnanyan svabhāvanira</foreign>, see Sarvadharma 3r3–4 <foreign>ya tikānmahakən trāsanya, An tinitiḥ byət· deniṁ thāni bala, pinisakitan· tan kinavruhan hĭnanya</foreign> <q>That resulted in their fear of being heavily imposed by the Thāni Bala; that they would be tormented without their misery being known</q>.

The emendation of <foreign>paja</foreign> to <foreign>pūja</foreign> makes it possible to imagine a meaningful connection with the mention of <foreign>vali</foreign> (Sanskrit <foreign>bali</foreign>) in the next line, as <foreign>pūjā</foreign> and <foreign>bali</foreign> are two fundamental categories of Hindu worship.

It seems unnatural to give to <foreign>mūla</foreign> any of the meanings recorded in OJED. The meaning <q>value</q> assumed in my translation is attested in Old Khmer (<ref target="http://sealang.net/oldkhmer/">http://sealang.net/oldkhmer/</ref>) and is found also in some other contemporary inscriptions of Java, notably in the <ref target="DHARMA_INSIDENKLanda.xml">Landa</ref> inscription. That same inscription is relevant for our understanding of the term <foreign>lañjān</foreign>, not recorded in OJED. It occurs three times in that inscription, in contexts which are very comparable to the present one. (Another possible occurrence is found in <ref target="DHARMA_INSIDENKRumwiga.xml">Rumwiga</ref> 1r3.) While no word <foreign>lañjān</foreign> or base <foreign>lañja</foreign> is recorded in OJED, or even in any dictionary of Modern Javanese that I have been able to consult, the word <foreign>lañja</foreign> is attested in Old Sundanese where it means <q>layer</q> and is also used as verb meaning <q>to layer, to apply as a layer</q>, normally applied to precious metal or gems, as for instance in the <title>Siksa Kandaṅ Karəsian</title>.

<!--Ini dari SKK: kaliṅana ta(358), sri ma ṅaranya(359) omas, kitu na omas, lamunna(360) hamo dilañja(361), pələk rupana, lamunna(362) kalañja(363) ma, cenaṅ rampes(364) ja kaopeksa(365),

Artinya, sri berarti emas. Begitulah emas, jika tidak dilapisi/disepuh, jelek bentuknya, jika terlapisi/tersepuh, berkilau bagus sebab terpelihara. -->

But in Modern Sundanese the base <foreign>lanja</foreign> is used in connection with <foreign>sawah</foreign>. See <bibl><ptr target="bib:Hardjadibrata2003_01"/><citedRange unit="entry"><foreign>lanja</foreign></citedRange></bibl>: <q><foreign>vi. ngalanja</foreign> (unc.) add a second layer to the first one, cover in (over/up) st.; repeat a job or action; take a second one to a woman; take a second one to a moneylender/supplier; <foreign>ngalanja sawah</foreign> (of a landowner) get rice-fields under his management in order to sublet them to small farmers; <foreign>ngalanjakeun</foreign> give management of (rice-fields) to sublet them to a third party (esp. by a village head to a trusted person, middleman/agent between the owner and cultivator); <foreign>jual lanja</foreign> s.m. <foreign>tutung duit</foreign> (see <foreign>tutung</foreign>)</q>. It is on this basis, and on the basis of what can be extrapolated from the present context, to I propose to interpret the derived form <foreign>lañja-an</foreign> as meaning <q>income from subletting</q>.

<foreign>sasaṅan</foreign>: the morphological pattern of this designation for the Ninth month does not seem to have been described yet for OJ. In Modern Sundanese, there is <foreign>lilikuran</foreign> meaning <q>(of the month) between the 20th and the 30th (particularly during the fasting month)</q>.

It seems that here, as in other cases, the first witness is also the scribe, though the last sentence could equally be translated <q>Written by the calligrapher of the officiant of Priṅ</q>.

<foreign>amasaṅakan i</foreign>: the same usage is found in the <ref target="DHARMA_INSIDENKAlasantan.xml">Alasantan</ref> charter.

</div>

First published by F. D. K. Bosch (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Bosch1917_02"/></bibl>), without translation; reading of the date revised by Bosch (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Bosch1924_02"/></bibl>); text republished by H. B. Sarkar (<bibl n="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Sarkar1939_01"/></bibl>), who offered no new readings but did add an English translation (this article was republished as part of <bibl><ptr target="bib:Sarkar1971-1972_01"/></bibl>, without significant changes); the dating formula was re-edited and analyzed by L.-Ch. Damais (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Damais1955_01"/></bibl>); a slightly revised reading of the whole text was included in <bibl><ptr target="bib:Boechari1985-1986_01"/></bibl>; a new English translation was offered by Wisseman Christie (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:WissemanChristie1998_02"/></bibl>, App. 3). The text is re-edited here by Arlo Griffiths based on the photos EFEO_GROB03804 and OD-5197, with a new translation into English. While the edition of Bosch (and after him, that of Sarkar) entirely ignored the basic punctuation signs in the original, Boechari represents them but does so haphazardly. The apparatus offered here does not record any diference of reading punctuation signs vis-à-vis prevous editions. Since Sarkar's editions are entirely derivative from Bosch' work, his readings are not recorded in the apparatus either.

</listBibl>

<!-- Bosch 1920: rejection of Krom's arguments on these grounds: "Niets belet ons te gelooven, dat de kanselarij-stijl op Midden-Java tot in het midden der 9de Çaka-eeuw ouderwetsche allures behouden heeft en dientengevolge de tekst van de midden-Javaansche plaat van 848 meer overeenkomst vertoont met de kwart-eeuw oudere edicten dan met de gelijktijdige Oost-Javaansche. Een feit, dat voor deze verklaring pleit, vindt men in de Jayapattra van 849, welke eveneens midden-Javaansche oorkonde een even korte, even ,,ouderwetsche" dateering bevat als de plaat van 848.

Zoolang dus niet de onomstootelijke bewijzen geleverd zijn, dat de 4 van het jaartal 848 op eene H even onbegrijpelijke als onvergeefelijke vergissing van den

graveur berust, 6f overtuigend is aangetoond, dat in een bepaalde periode der Javaansche epigraphie het teeken voor de 4 ook voor de 2 gebruikt is, meenen wij

aan de verlokkingen van het jaartal 828 — met zijn eenvoudige oplossing van het vraagstuk — weerstand te moeten bieden en ons te blijven houden aan 848 onder

aanvaarding van alle tegenstrijdigheden en moeielijkheden, die het in het leven heeft geroepen."

A short rejoinder is offered by Krom in a footnote on the last page. He maintains his position. -->

<bibl>

<!-- "Il n'est pas impossibnle a priori que Balitung ait encore été vivant car on connaît une autre inscription, datée de 828 Çaka = 15 août 906 EG et émanant de Daksa qui porte dans ce document le titre de Rakryan Mapatih i Hino sans que le souverain régnant, Balitung, soit mentionné (4)."

note 4: "II s'agit de la plaque de Palĕpangan trouvée à proximité du Bårå Budur et qui a été publiée par Bosch dans OV, 1917, 88 et suiv. Le millésime est dans cette publication lu à tort 848. Il existe une autre transcription de cette inscription avec traduction anglaise par H. B. Sarkar dans JGIS, VI, 1929, 124-130. La date est bien lue ici 828, mais d'autres erreurs n'ont pas été corrigées."

-->

</bibl>

<bibl>

<!-- with n. 3: "Bien que Stutterheim ait déjà fait remarquer que le millésime de cette inscription est indubitablement 828 (JBG, 1937, 154), nous attirons l'attention sur le fait que la discussion que l'on trouve à ce sujet dans OV, 1920, 98-100, repose sur un malentendu. Si nous signalons cet article, c'est qu'il contient quelques dessins de chiffres vieux-javanais et que trop de discussions paléographiques n'ont été accompagnées d'aucune reproduction.

Le dessin 1 reproduit un chiffre qui ne pourrait guère être qu'un 3 d'ailleurs tardif et n'a aucun rapport ni avec un 2 ni avec un 4. Les dessins 2 et 3 ne peuvent représenter à la période ancienne que des 2. Ce n'est qu'aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles Śaka que des signes ressemblant à ceux-ci (bien que la partie supérieure ne soit alors jamais si arrondie et que la partie médiane diffère car elle est dans les anciens 2 toujours en pointe et dans les 4 à partir du Xllle siècle, toujours arrondie), sont des 4, le 2 ayant évolué dans une autre direction. A la note 1 de la page 100, le chiffre reproduit est en effet un 2 parfaitement normal et non, comme le dit Krom, un 2 «qui par sa queue assez longue ressemble à s'y méprendre à un 4». Il est curieux que Krom, tout en ayant raison dans son interprétation du millésime de cette inscription, méconnait le véritable caractère du chiffre 2. Nous avons pu consulter à Djakarta la plaque elle-même et nouis avons pu constater que l'inscription contient quatre chiffres 4 (d'ailleurs transcrits 4 par Bosch, lignes 8, 10 et 11) bien qu'ils diffèrent totalement des chiffres 2, transcrits également 4. Ce document nous fournit presque tous les chiffres, seuls 3, 9 et 0 manquent. Les 6 sont en partIculier très caracténstIques.

A propos des données calendériques, il est à noter que cette inscription a été gravée dans un mois intercalaire (punaḥ śrawaṇa) [voir EEI, I, 9]. L'examen direct de la plaque nous a permis de fixer ce détail peu net sur la photographie OD 5197." -->

</bibl>

<!-- "Nous donnons la transcription telle que nous avons pu la compléter en 1946 après avoir consulté la plaque elle-même. Mais nous avons fait les calculs de réduction d'après la photographie OD. 5197 où une partie de la ligne 1 est très peu lisible et où pratiquement rien du māsa ne peut être distingué. Un seul détail nous avait frappé : l'espace disponible était bien grand et il y avait place pour plus de cinq aksara. Ajoutons que nous lisons nettement kr̥ṣṇa et non śukla comme dans la transcription publiée."

Then a long discussioin justifying reading of month name and the resulting date conversion.

-->

</bibl>

</listBibl>

</div>

</body>

</text>

</TEI>

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<!--

Nomor inventaris: E. 66.

Tempat temuan: Daerah Borobudur, kabupaten Magelang, Jawa Tengah.

Angka tahun: 828 Śaka (15 Agustus 906).

Nama raja: (Tidak ada, tetapi menyebut nama Rakryān Mapatiḥ i Hino Pu Dakṣottama Bāhubajra Pratipakṣakṣaya.

Satu lempengan tembaga berukuran 36,5 x 17,3 cm, di bagian atas tengah ada lubang bundar kecil. Bertulisan 15 baris di satu sisinya. Huruf dan bahasanya Java Kuna.

Photos EFEO GROB03804 <https://collection.efeo.fr/ws/web/app/collection/record/265709>

OD-5197

PKMN p. 124

-->