Anjatan: Foundation Charter of the Amr̥tamaṅgala Monastery

Editors: Arlo Griffiths, Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan.

Identifier: DHARMA_INSIDENKAnjatan.

Hand description:

Language: Old Javanese.

Repository: Nusantara Epigraphy (tfc-nusantara-epigraphy).

Version: (20bd983), last modified (f510d28).

Edition

⟨Page 3r⟩⟨top right: 3⟨3r1⟩mp(u)lan·, pakaluṁkuṁ, kaR̥(ṁR̥)ṅan·, tpuṁ kavuṁ, suṁsuṁ paṅuraṁ, pasuk alas·, sipat· vilut·, juṁkuṁ, pāṅin-aṅin· pamāvasya, hopan·, saṇḍuṁ lamur·, panrāṅan·, skar tahun·, pabayai, paṁ⟨3r2⟩rāma, (Avu)r·, panigaṁ blaḥ, pa(ka)ra(pa), tampə: sirir·, pinta palaku, tuluṁ hutaṁ, pobhaya, kipa-kipaḥ, pavalanda, pakan (t)ahun·, paniriṁ, pataruṁ, pa(t)arub·, pakikis·, paprāyaścitta, ⟨3r3⟩ Avuran·, pavuvuḥ, t(u)ṇḍ(ā)n·, kḍi, valyan·, sambal·, sumbul·, hulun· (ha)ji, jəṅgi, pavuluṁ-v(u)luṁ, vidu maṅiduṁ, siṅgaḥ, pa(m)r̥si, vatək i jro Ityevamādi kabaiḥ, An tan· tamā ta ya Iri⌈⟨3r4⟩keṁ vanva riṅ añjatān· sabhuktyan· saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, samaṁkana Ikanaṁ sukha-duḥkha magə:ṁ maḍmit·, kady aṅgāniṁ mayaṁ (t)an· pavvaḥ, valu rumambat iṁ natar·, vipati, vankay· kābunan·, rāḥ ka⟨3r5⟩sav(u?)r iṁ havan·, māti (t)ibā, māti kaL̥bū, māti sinambər iṁ glap·, hi⟨⟨du⟩⟩ kasirat·, dūlihatən·, săhasa, vākcapala, mamiji(la)kən· vuri(n)iṁ kikir·, mamūk·, ma¿(p)?⟨m⟩uṁpaṁ, lūdān·, tūtān·, Aṅśa pratyaṅśa ⟨3r6⟩ , (ḍa)ṇḍa kuḍəṇḍa, maṇḍihalādi prakāra, An saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi Iṅ amr̥tamaṅgala pramāṇa Irikā, samaṁkana Ikanaṁ masambyavahāra satamolaḥ I saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, An kapva ya hīnīṅan· ⟨3r7⟩ (de) śrī mahārāja, kramāṇya, matitiḥ sakulit·, Alavay· sapa(t)i(g)a, Abasana satuhan·, Aṅavari sa(t)uhan·, pakajaṅan· satuhan·, pahiḍanan· satuhan·, Amanantən· sapahavvan·, yā⟨3r8⟩pvan· pinikul· d(va)l(n)ya, kady aṅgāniṁ pda, vu(ya)ḥ, Acan·, kamiri, bavaṁ, laja, pipa(ka)n·, L̥ṅa, l(u?)ruṅan·, kasumbha, vsi-vsi, vaja, (p)r̥mata, hadas·, Atak·, bras·, kalapa, vvaḥ, səR̥ḥ, pisaṁ, ⟨3r9⟩ gula, Ityevamādi kabeḥ, An katiga pabantalan· juga ya, tan· L̥viha saṁkerikā, yapvan· (pa)ṅulaṁ kbo prāṇa 40 kbovanya, yan sapi prāṇa 40 sapyanya, yan· paṅulaṁ celeṁ 50⟨3r10⟩celaiṅanya, yan· vḍus· prāṇa 40 vḍusanya, Itik· savantayan·, Agritan· rvaṁ pa(hav)va(n)·, Aparahu sasiki, Ikā ta kabaiḥ tan· knānāta ya soddhāra haji, Asiṁ sadeśa-parāna⟨3r11⟩nya, yapvan· paṇḍay· vsi, gaṅsa, tamra, mās·, sapaR̥An· sovaṁ ṅunivaiḥ Ikanaṁ maṁdyūn·, mañarub·, mañambul·, mañavriṁ, maṁlā(kh)a, mamahaṁ, mamuṁkuḍu, manūla-vuṁkuḍu, ⟨3r12⟩ tka riṁ maṅanam-anam·, magavay payuṁ, ruṅki, taṅgī, vakul·, kalasā, magavay· kisī, manaṅkəb· manuk·, mamisaṇḍuṁ manuk·, makala-kalā, mamulaṁ, manavaṁ, Aṇ ḍaṁ saṅgha Iṅ amr̥⟨Page 4r⟩⟨4r1⟩tamaṅgalātaḥ pramāṇa I sadr̥bya-hajinya kabaiḥ, kramānya, tribhāgān·, sadūmān· mapaknā I bhaṭāra, sadūmān· ma(pa)knā I (ḍa)ṁ saṅgha, pahayva samananāni sapariskārani kapa⟨4r2⟩hayvan· saṁ hyaṁ k(u?)ṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅga(la, sa)dūmān· maparṇnaha I saṁ (k)armma(nya), maṁkana tiṅkaḥ so(dhā)ra ha(j)i huvus kapāṭa ri saṁ hyaṁ rājapraśāsti, pagə-pageḥ I kasusukan· saṁ hyaṁ ku⟨4r3⟩ṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, mari ta parṇnaḥnika(ṁ) vanva riṅ añjatan thāni bala giri(m) baṅi, ma(ṁ)kana Ikanaṁ lmaḥ savaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· tka ri kəbvanya blaḥ 1 sahuvus· kapāṭa, man(t)ən ataḥ parṇnahnikā lma⟨4r4⟩ḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· An· maṅkai, kevalā saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgalātaḥ pramāṇa Irikā kabaiḥ, tka ri salbak·-vukirnya kabeḥ makādi savaḥ prakāra, kunaṁ pva kadeyaknanikaṁ vanva ⟨4r5⟩ riṅ añjatan· tka riṁ kalpi (sa)ma marāśraya, An kapvātaḥ kumatuturaknaṁ sapūrbva-sthiti, pratidina mabuñcaṁ-hajya riṁ samananāni (kapa)hayvan· saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi Iṅ amr̥tamaṅgala Aṅkən· manis·, ku⟨4r6⟩meṇḍəṁ tikā tka ri kadeyaknanikanaṁ piṅhai makurug anak thāni vatək· girim baṅi, tka ri sapiṅgir· siriṁnikaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan·, karuhun· saṅ inanugrahan· śrī mahārāja mapaknā Irikanaṁ girim ba⟨4r7⟩ṅi, tka ri saṅ anā⟨ga⟩ta vineḥ girim baṅi, Apan· thāni vatək· girim baṅi tatvabhūtanya ṅūni, samaṅkana samgat· Aṅin-aṅin· maṅkai lāvan saṅ anāgatāṅin-aṅin·, An sama təkyənāta sira Umimbuha sa⟨4r8⟩kaparipūrṇnāknani daməl· śrī mahārāja saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi Iṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, makavuṁka(la)na I tan· hananira deyan umulah-(u)laha Ikanaṁ vanva Iṅ añjatan· tka ri savaḥnya, mvaṁ Ikanaṁ lmaḥ savaḥ kā⟨4r9⟩ṅin-aṅinan· ṅuniveḥ kəbvanya blaḥ 1 yathānya tan pamuhara pramāda magə:ṁ I sira, Āpan· sampun· pagəḥni rasa saṁ hyaṁ rājapraśāsti pagə-pagəḥ I kasusukanikanaṁ vanva Iṅ añjatan· masavaḥ tampaḥ 1 ⟨4r10⟩ blaḥ 1 lāvan ikanaṁ savaḥ lmaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· tka ri kəbvanya blaḥ 1 ṅuniveḥ lbak·-vukirnya kabeḥ, maṁkana rasa saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji praśāsti pagə-pagəḥ ri kasus(u)kanikaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan· tka riṁ savaḥ kāṅi⟨4r11⟩n-aṅinan· de śrī mahārāja,

meṅət pva mpuṁku I tinakər· ryy ātiśayani kavaṅunan· saṁ hyaṁ buddhaśāśana de śrī mahārāja, ri huvus· mpuṁku I tinakər· pinadamlakan· śrī mahārāja kuṭi riṅ am(r̥)tama⟨4r12⟩ṅgala, Andəlanani buddha-prativimba-namaskāra mpu(ṁ)ku I tinakər·, makabhuktyan· Ikanaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan·, lāvan ikanaṁ savaḥ lmaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· mataṁnyan· paṁhaturakən· mpuṁku I tinakər· māsu 5

Apparatus

⟨3r4⟩ riṅ añjatān· • That this toponym should be read añjatān· and not ṅañjatān· is demonstrated by the reference to a rakyrān· Añjatan in the Dalinan charter (4r3).

⟨4r5⟩ kalpi (sa)ma marāśraya • Alternative readings, all equally possible as long as better photographs are unavailable, include kalpi(ka) mamarāśraya, kalpi(ta) mamarāśraya, kalpi⟨kā⟩(ra) mamarāśraya or kalpi⟨kāra⟩ (sa)ma marāśraya, kalpi⟨ya⟩ (sa)ma marāśraya.

Translation by Arlo Griffiths

(3r1–3r4) [It should not be entered as before by the patihs, the vahutas, the headmen, and all types of collectors of royal revenues:] […] [da]mpulan, pakaluṅkuṅ, karəṅrəṅan,1 tpuṅ kavuṅ, suṅsuṅ paṅuraṅ, forest dwellers (pasuk alas), sipat bilut, juṅkuṅ, pāṅin-aṅin, pamāvasya, hopan, saṇḍuṅ lamur, panrāṅan, skar tahun, pabayai, paṅrāma, avur, panigaṅ blah, pakarapa, tampə̄ sirir, pinta palaku, tuluṅ hutaṅ, pobhaya, kipa-kipah, pavalanda, pakan tahun, paniriṅ, pataruṅ, patarub, pakikis, paprāyaścitta, avuran, pavuvuh, tuṇḍān, eunuchs (kḍi), healers (valyan), sambal, sumbul, singing actors (vidu maṅiduṅ), siṅgah, pamr̥ṣi, the courtiers (vatak i jro), etc., as they shall not enter into the village of Añjatan, which is entirely at the disposal of the holy cloister (kuṭi) of Amr̥tamaṅgala.

(3r4–3r16) Likewise the [payments for] “harms and compensations” (sukha-duḥkha), great or small, such as:2

mayaṅ tan pavvah
areca without betelnut
valu rumambat iṅ natar
gourd vines that grow in the courtyard
vipati
accidental dealth
vaṅkay kābunan
corpse covered with dew
rāh kasavur iṅ havan
blood scattered on the road
mati tibā
death by falling3
mati kaləbū
death by drowning4
mati sinambər iṅ glap
death by lightning strike
hidu kasirat
spittle that is sprayed
dūhilatan
slander
sāhasa
violence
vākcapala
rash speech
mamijilakan vuriniṅ kikir
producing the trace of a file
mamūk
attacking in fury
mamumpaṅ
rape
lūdān
repeated attack
tūtān
following
aṅśa pratyaṅśa
apportioning of shares
ḍaṇḍa kuḍaṇḍa
battery
bhaṇḍihāla
poisons
and so forth
since the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala has authority over them.

(3r6–4r3) Likewise those who engage in trade while residing in the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala: they are all restricted by the Great King. The arrangement shall be:

keeper of pack-horses (matitih)
one skin
spinner of yarn(alavai)
one terrace (sapatiga)5
weaver of cloth
one craftsman
preparer of awar-awar
one craftsman
awning maker (? pakajaṅan)
one craftsman6
pahiḍanan
one craftsman7
preparer of (banantən )
one powder container (sapahavvan)8
If their wares — such as dried fish (pada),9 salt, shrimp/fish paste (acan),10 kemiri, onion, galingale (laja), pipakan (?), sesame-oil, castor-oil (luruṅan), safflower (kasumbha), iron utensils (vsi-vsi), steel (vaja), gems, anise, beans (atak), rice grain, coconut, areca nut, betel leaf, plantain, sugar, etc. — are all carried by shoulder-pole, then they may only be three bundles altogether.11 They should not exceed that. If they buy buffaloes, the quota of buffaloes is 40 head; if cows, the quota of cows is 40 head. If they buy pigs, the quota of pigs is 50; if goats, the quota of goats is 40 head. One coop of ducks.
wagoners (agritan)
two powder containers
ferryman (aparahu)
one
None of them shall be subjected to any royal levies (sa-uddhāra haji), whatever be their country of destination, if [they are] smiths [working] iron, bronze, copper, gold, with one anvil each, and all the less so [if they are] ones who
maṅdyūn
make pots
mañarub
mix (pigments)12
mañambul
process black dyestuffs13
mañavriṅ
process (red) cawring dye14
maṅlākha
process (brownish red) lākha dye
mamahaṅ
process pahaṅ15
mamuṅkuḍu manūla vuṅkuḍu
process mengkudu, (i.e.) stab mengkudu root16
Including [those who]
maṅanam-anam
weave fabric
magavai payuṅ, ruṅki, taṅgī, vakul, kalasā
make parasols, ruṅki baskets, taṅgī (?),17 vakul baskets, mats (kalasā)
magavai kisī
make basket works
manaṅkəb manuk
catch birds
mamisaṇḍuṅ manuk
snare birds
makala-kalā
?
manavaṅ
catch in nets
mamulaṅ
cast (nets over fish)18
As the venerable congregation (ḍaṅ saṅgha) of Amr̥tamaṅgala has exclusive authority over all their royal revenues. The arrangement shall be [that] they are to be divided in three:
  • one share for the benefit of the Deity
  • one share for the venerable congregation, in order to restore everything that is dilapidated (sa-mananā) [and to furnish] all requisites for the beauty (or: restoration, kapahayvan)19 of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala.20
  • one share for the benefit of its personnel (saṅ karma)
That was the way all royal levies were read out (kapāṭha) in the holy royal charter,21 the confirmatory document regarding the demarcation of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala.

(4r3–4r11) The status of the village of Añjatan ceased to be thāni bala22 of Girim Baṅi. Likewise the paddy-field land of the Aṅin-aṅin group, including their orchards of 1 blah: after [the charter] had been read aloud, the status of the land of the Aṅin-aṅin group ceased outright, in that without delay the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala would have exclusive authority over all of it, including all its valleys and hills (lbak-vukir),23 to begin with the various paddy fields. Now as for the course of action to be taken by the village of Añjatan, including the kalpis who take refuge,24 is that all of them, without exception, should keep in mind all previous arrangements, should carry out royal corvée every day on what is dilapidated of the beauty of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala, every Manis.25 It extended to the course of action to be taken by the Piṅhai, the Makurug [and] the villagers of the district of Girim Baṅi, including all of the neighboring villages of the village of Añjatan, and first of all the ones granted by the Great King to have the position of [rakai/samgat of] Girim Baṅi, including those who will be allowed to [be rakai/samgat of] Girim Baṅi in the future,26 for its former status (tattvabhūta) was that of a village (thāni) of the district of Girim Baṅi.27 Likewise the officiant of Aṅin-aṅin at this time as well as the future [officiants of] Aṅin-aṅin: all of them should be urged to increase the perfection of the Great King’s foundation of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala, to be based on their not doing anything (litt. the absence of their actions) to disturb the village of Añjatan including its paddy-fields as well as the paddy-field land of the Aṅin-aṅin group, particularly its orchard of 1 blah, so that [guilt of] grave negligence will not befall them. Because of the fact that the substance of the holy royal charter is already irrevocable, [as] a confirmatory document regarding the demarcation of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala having 1 tampah of paddy-fields as well as the paddy-field land of the Aṅin-aṅin group including its orchard of 1 blah, [and] particularly all of its valleys and hills. Such was the substance of the holy royal charter, a confirmatory document regarding the demarcation by the Great King of the village of Añjatan together with the paddy-fields of the Aṅin-aṅin group.

(4r11–4r12) Provided that (pva) the Master of Tinakər remain aware of the exceptional advancement (kavaṅunan) by the Great King of the holy Buddha’s Teachings, after the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala had been founded by the Great King on behalf of the Master of Tinakər, so that it would be a firm base for the Master of Tinakər’s worship of a Buddha image (buddha-prativimba-namaskāra)28[on that condition] he has disposal of the village of Añjatan along with the paddy-fields which are land of the Aṅin-aṅin group. Therefore the Master of Tinakər offers 5 suvarṇa and […] māṣa of gold

Commentary

The photos we have at our disposal several times suggest absence of an expected suku (3r4–5 kasavur, 3r8 luruṅan, 4r2 kuṭi, 4r10 kasusukanikaṁ); we presume the sukus are actually engraved, but merely undetectable on our photos.

Bibliography

The inscription was edited by Rita Margaretha Setianingsih 1996 and edited again, possibly by the same scholar, in HerniPramastuti+al2007_01 and HerniPramastuti+al2015_01. This new edition is based on an initial joint reading by Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan & Arlo Griffiths in May 2021, from photographs taken by Arlo Griffiths on 29 April 2009. This provisional reading was then revised and translated by Arlo Griffiths in June–July 2021. The previous publications dedicated to this inscription are full of involuntary errors, reflecting a limited understanding of the Old Javanese language, so that it has not seemed useful to record any variant readings from them.

Primary

Rita Margaretha Setianingsih. 1996. “Bencana alam dan kerja bakti masa Jawa Kuna, serta catatan lain tentang Prasasti Ngañjatan.” BA(Y) 16 (2), pp. 42–49. DOI: 10.30883/jba.v16i2.752. [URL].

HerniPramastuti+al2007_01

HerniPramastuti+al2015_01

Notes

  1. 1. This term seems only to be found in two charters of the Airlangga period: Baru (Ab.23) and Gandhakuti (3r4).
  2. 2. I adopt the interpretation of the term sukha-duḥkha itself, and of the meanings of the items in the following list, from work in progress by Timothy Lubin.
  3. 3. The expressions mati tibā and mati katibā both occur in various periods.
  4. 4. Although the spelling typically seems to be kaləbū in this context, the required meaning is that recorded in Zoetmulder and Robson 1982, s.v. ləbu.
  5. 5. The word patiga is not attested epigraphically, and not evidently suitable in this context; the reading is a bit uncertain, but we see no better option.
  6. 6. The term pakajaṅan is unattested but must be derived from kajaṅ.
  7. 7. The word pahiḍanan is of uncertain derivation and the meaning is unknown; it might be possible to read pahiḍaran, and it it conceivable to emend pahiḍaṅan.
  8. 8. See Wisseman Christie 1993, pp. 189–191.
  9. 9. This seems to be the same word as the one that is read pja in Bimalasrama (9r1–2) tāmbra, gaṅśa, timaḥ, vuyaḥ, pja, gula, lave, pucaṁ, səR̥ḥ, kasumbha saprakāran⟨iṁ⟩ dval. We do not seem to be dealing with instances of Zoetmulder and Robson 1982, s.v. pada 4. Rather, we must be dealing here with the Old Javanese ancestor of Modern Javanese peda.
  10. 10. The translation offered in Pusaka Aksara Yogyakarta is “terasi”. Sambal acan is a Banjarmasin specialty whose base is terasi. Presumably there is also a connection to Indonesian belacan (“a paste of prawns and fish fry”).
  11. 11. It is extremely rare to find bantal or pabantalan quantitied by any other term than kalima. But the phrase vuṅkuḍu kasaṅa bantal in the Jeru-jeru charter of the time of Sindok (line A18) proves that other quantifiers could occur in such contexts.
  12. 12. Although Zoetmulder and Robson 1982, s.v. carub only records the unsuitable meaning “to upset the proper order” for añarub, he records the meanings “mixed together, confused, disordered” for acarub. From this we infer that the term might have designated mixing of pigments. This idea also receives some support from contexts of use of (m)añarub in the Garaman charter (975 Śaka) and in three charters of early Majapahit (Balawi, Warunggahan, Tuhanyaru) as well as in the Pūrvādhigama.
  13. 13. See Wisseman Christie 1993, p. 206.
  14. 14. See Wisseman Christie 1993, p. 206: “This dye has not yet been identified with certainty, but was probably derived from sappan or brazil wood (Caesalpina sappan), a nineteenth century Malay term for which was něněring.”
  15. 15. See Wisseman Christie 1993, pp. 207–208.
  16. 16. The form mamuṅkuḍu is not found in any other source. I presume that the common expression manūla vuṅkudu is an explanation of the former. The interpretation offered by Wisseman Christie 1993, pp. 204–205 of manūla-vuṅkuḍu as a compound meaning “processor of indigo and wungkuḍu dyes” (blue and red) seems partly unreliable, as it is based on the ubsubstantiated claim that tula or nula means “indigo” in Old Javanese sources. I assume the base word here is śūla (in Sanskrit, “any sharp instrument”), and that the process of reducing the bark of the roots of the “mengkudu” tree to pulp could involve such a tool. Or is it possible to arrive at a convincing interpretation by deriving manūla from tūla “cotton”?
  17. 17. Or can we read baṅśi/vāṅśī and translate “flute”?
  18. 18. In the Garaman charter (3v8), we read in the parallel context mamulaṅ vlut, which Boechari 2012, p. 511 translated “catchers of eels”. (The same expression figures as maṅulaṅ vlut in the Balawi charter, 7v2.) Boechari’s translation seems adequate, although a specific technique of catching may have been intended. The meanings indicated in Zoetmulder and Robson 1982, s.v. pulaṅ I (“mixed with, becoming one, united in, full of, smeared with”) do not seem suitable. Under pulaṅ II, the dictionary refers to Balinese pulaṅ = tiba and cites the expression apulaṅ maṅgar “to cast anchor”. Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan informs that pulang is a common Balinese word meaning “to drop something on top of something else”. van der Tuuk et al. 1897–1912, vol. 4, p. 257 cites the Balinese phrase pulanginnya ban pencar meaning “he cast the net over it”, a standard way of catching fish.
  19. 19. Neither kapahayvan nor the form pahayu that it implies are recorded in Zoetmulder and Robson 1982. See also 4r5.
  20. 20. Similar passages are found in the Kusambyan charter (945 Śaka) and several other contemporary inscriptions, none of them concerned with a Buddhist institution. Nevertheless, the term sa-mananā “everything that is broken” would seem to be a calque on Sanskrit jīrṇa which is typically used in Buddhist context of the dilapidation of monasteries. See Zoetmulder and Robson 1982, s.v. nanā, citing Sārasamuccaya (388.3) jīrṇānanā sahananya. It is tempting to speculate that the use of the term sa-pariṣkāra, which is not found in any of the parallel passages, and which seems to fit into the sentence only with difficulty, is due to the specific Buddhist connotation of this term (Edgerton 1953, s.v. pariṣkāra). But the specifically Buddhist sense of “a monk’s personal utensils” is hard to fit into the sentence, while the terms pariṣkāra and its equivalent paniṣkāra are not limited to Buddhist contexts in Old Javanese.
  21. 21. Cf. van Stein Callenfels 1926, pp. 60–62, Koperplaten van de Pura Pamrajan Raja Purana te Klungkung (Bandjar Sangguhan), 994 Śaka, 2r2–3: kunaṅ yātan hana kapaṭa i prasāstinya.
  22. 22. The use of the term thāni bala is otherwise found only in two inscriptions of the Singasari period (Sarvadharma and Air Asih).
  23. 23. This expression, found in several Kediri and Majapahit-period inscriptions, is found once in an inscription of the Sindok period (Tija & Haru-Haru, date lost but closely similar to Cunggrang of 851 Śaka): kevala buyut amabaki juga pramāṇa ri salbak-vukirnya, savaḥnya, kəbvanya, sapaniskāranya kabeḥ, tka ri sukhaduḥkhanya magəm aḍmit·, tuhun tan kolah-ulaha Ikaṁ sīma tija haru-haru denikaṁ Avaju ri manayuti, Apan huvus pulu lpas·.
  24. 24. The reading and word division are uncertain. Neither the word kalpi, tentatively accepted here, nor the words kalpita, kalpikāra and kalpiya from three of the alternative readings proposed in the apparatus, are attested in any Old Javanese source, while the only word kalpika recorded in Zoetmulder and Robson 1982 means “ring” and is not fitting here in that meaning. From parallel passages, we expect a term designating a kind of person. See Barsahan (r7–8) tka ri suka-duḥkhanikanaṁ rāma jātaka sama marāśraya Irikeṁ sīma I barsahan· and Sima Anglayang (4r7–4v1). We speculate that the meaning intended here is that of the specifically Buddhist term kalpikāra (Edgerton 1953, s.v. kalpikāra), equivalent to Pali kappiyakāra, namely “layman, who receives items on behalf of monks to make them acceptable” or “servant (of a monk or an ascetic)” (Hinueber+Pind1992-2010_01), and leave open the possibility that the specific term kalpikāra was intended, in which case it would have to be restored by emendation. Other possibilities include the readings kalpika and kalpiya, also Buddhist technical terms, the first of which normally designates suitable or proper monk’s paraphernalia or suitable places for preparing monk’s food (Edgerton 1953, s.vv. kalpika, kalpikaśālā), while the second designates anything that is formally allowable to a monk (Edgerton 1953, s.v. kalpiya, see also Hinueber+Pind1992-2010_01). Both terms could conceivably have designated in this context categories of people suitable for monks’ frequentation. Least plausible among the alternative seems to be the reading kalpita, which exists in Sanskrit but never in any meaning that appears suitable in the present context.
  25. 25. The indications pratidina “every day” and aṅkən manis “every Manis” seem contradictory, but presumably one is to read them together to get the meaning “every Manis day (of the 5-day week)”.
  26. 26. Similar expressions are found with some frequency in the Airlangga corpus. See e.g. Kusambyan (c26–28) saṅ anāgata vineḥ madaṇḍər· ṅuniveḥ Ikanaṁ vineḥ ma(k)urug·.
  27. 27. The term tattvabhūta was so far attested epigraphically only in an inscription of late Majapahit, the Waringin Pitu charter (7v2), in a similar type of sentence: maṅkana pva tatvabhūta saṁ hyaṁ dharmma riṁ rājasakusumapura.
  28. 28. A similar expression is found in the Bimalasrama charter (1.6): pratiṣṭhāna bhaṭāra ratnātrayā prativimba.