Dhanaidaha Plate, Year 113 GE

Notes

1. 1. For the incipit of the plate, several emendations are possible : Sircar 1965 suggests oṁ, while Balogh et al. 2019 prefers siddham like in the incipit of the Mathura Jaina Image Inscription of the time of Kumāragupta I (see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00022). If we consider the incipit of the plates produced under the authority of Kumāragupta I, we can also suggest svasti as in the Kalaikuri-Sultanpur Plate, the Jagadispur Charter and the Baigram Charter.
2. 2. Sircar 1965, followed by Balogh et al. 2019, suggests emending catur-udadhi-salilāsvādita-yaśaso mahārājādhirāja-śrī-kumāraguptasya. Whereas neither of them gives an explanation, one can assume they borrow this expression from its occurences in the Karamdāṁdā Stone Liṅga Inscription of Kumāragupta I (line 2, see Konow 1909–1910 and Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00025) and in the Gaya Grant of Samudragupta (line 2, see Fleet 1888, № 60, pp. 254–257 and Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00004). The same expression is supplied in Bihar Sharif Pillar Inscription 2 (see line 1, Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00048) and can be translated by “of the great king and emperor Śrī Kumāragupta whose splendour is enjoyed flowing beyond the four oceans”.
3. 3. Sircar 1942Sircar 1965 suspects the numeral numbers of the year for the missing akṣaras at the beginning of the line 2. Several inscriptions written during the reign of Kumārugupta I contain the expression asyāṁ divasa-pūrvāyāṁ:
   • the incipit of the Govindnagar Buddha Image Inscription of the Time of Kumāragupta I: saṁ 100 10 5 śrāvaṇa di 10 3⟨.⟩ Asyāṁ divasa-pūrvvāyāM line 1 (see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00073)
   • the one of Mathura Buddha Image Inscription of the Time of Kumāragupta I: śr(ī)-kumāraguptasya v(i)ja(ya)r(ā)jyasa(ṁ)vva(t) 100 20 (5) (ā)śvayuja-māse di 9| Asy(āṁ) divasa-pū(rv)v(ā)y(āṁ) (see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00027)
   • the one of the Karamdāṁdā Stone Liṅga Inscription of Kumāragupta I: vijaya-rājya-saṁvatsara-(śa)(te) saptadaśo(ttare) ⟨4⟩ kārttika-māsa-daśama-divase syā¿n? divasa-pūrvvāyāṁ (see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00025)
   • the one of the Mathura Jaina Image Inscription of the time of Kumāragupta I: 100 7 (adhi)ka-(śrāva?)ṇa-māsa-(di)(va)(sa) 20 asyā(ṁ pū)(r)(vv)(ā)y(ā)(ṁ) (see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00022)
   From these testimonies, it is possible to assume the gap contains an ordinal number of the day and the name of the month (see also the line 1 of Mastakaśvabhra Grant: svasti ma(hā)rājādhirāja-śrī-pradyumnavandhor vvijayādhirājya-samvatsar(e) pañcama Āśvayuja-māsasya dvāviṁśatime divase; the line 1 of the Damodarpur Charter 2 (GE 128) of Kumāragupta I shows also the numeral numbers followed by the name of the month and the number of the day : sa⟨ṃ⟩ 100 20 8 vaiśākha di 10 3, see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00028; the line 1 of Damodarpur Charter 1 (GE 124) of Kumāragupta I: ¿samva? 100 20 4 phālgu¿ṇ?a di 7, see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00026).
4. 4. In the line 3, Balogh et al. 2019 suggests filling in the gap by mahārājādhirāja-śrī-kumāragupte pr̥thivīpatau. This expression can be found in the Damodarpur Charter 2 (GE 128) of Kumaragupta I (see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00028, lines 1-2) and in the Damodarpur Charter 1 (GE 124) of Kumaragupta I (see Balogh et al. 2019, № IN00026, line 1). In my opinion the two hypothetical reconstructions in line 1 and line 3 suggested by Balogh et al. 2019 following in part Sircar 1965 are too redundant to be acceptable simultaneously. The second in line 3 could be translated by : [while] the Supreme Majesty and Supreme …[ Lord, the great king and emperor Kumāragupta was the Lord of the earth] (ma-bhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja-śrī-kumāragupte pr̥thivīpatau). But with this assumption,we have a problem to construct the sentence. We need a subject coordinated with grāmāṣṭakulādhiraṇañ ca in line 6. Following the four examples of Raktamālā #1 line 1 (paramabhaṭṭāraka-pādānuddhyātaḥ kumārāmātya-yūthapatir), Jagadishpur Charter line 1 (bhaṭṭāraka-pādānuddhyātaḥ Āyuktakācyuto), Baigram Charter line 1 (bhaṭṭāraka-pādānuddhyātaḥ kumārāmātya-kulavr̥ddhir) and Raktamālā #2 line 1 (bhaṭṭāraka[-pā]dānuddhyātaḥ kumāram(ā)[tya-g](o)pāl[o]), I suggest that paramadaivatapara- could be the beginning of a compound designated an officer appointed by the king and that the gap could be filled in by something like ma-bhaṭṭāraka-pādānuddhyātaḥ kumārāmātya- or ma-bhaṭṭāraka-pādānuddhyāta āyukta followed by the name of the officer. Given the word āyukta appears in line 11, I choose this word in my proposition of translation.
5. 5. For the 15 missing akṣaras at the beginning of the line 7, I suggest assuming the expression kuśalam anuvarṇya bodhayanti. In support of this assumption, one can compare it with these seven following examples, which are all contemporary with the present inscription :
   • Kalaikuri-Sultanpur Plate, line 2 : (k)uśalam anuvarṇya bodhayanti
   • Jagadispur Charter, lines 2-3 : kuśalam āśāsya bodhayanti
   • Raktamālā #1, line 2 : bodhayanti
   • Baigram Charter, lines 2-3 : kuśalam anuvarṇya bodhayanti
   • Nandapur Plate, line 2 : kuśalam anuvarṇṇya bodhayanti
   • grant of land to monasteries at Śiṣīpuñja, Madhyamasṛgālikā and Grāmakūṭagohālī, line 3 : kuśalam uk[tvānu](bo)dhayanti
   • Raktamālā #2, line 2 : k(u)[śa](la)m uktvā bodhayanti

6. 6. One may suppose that the 3 missing akṣaras in line 3 following kuṭumbi contain the name of the househoulder. The reading found in the editio princeps (Bandyopādhyāya 1909) is quite difficult to interpret. Indeed, according to his introduction, Bandyopādhyāya 1909 had taken photos of plate before it lost some of its fragments, which occurred during its display at the Calcutta Industrial Exhibition in 1906-7. From his reading kṣudra [ka nivāsinaḥ] brāhmaṇa, it is not clear if kṣudra corresponds to what others read as kuṭu. From the photo I have at my disposal, I read (dra)kaṭu(mb?)[3+]brāhmaṇa. Therefore we have to be cautious because a compound having both kṣudra and kuṭumbi inside is very likely when comparing the present line with lines 2 of Raktamālā #1, 6 of Tāvīra and 2 of Raktamālā #2.
7. 7. Bandyopādhyāya 1909 reads Kṣamavanta.
8. 8. The Bandyopādhyāya 1909, the first editor of the plate, reads viṣya at the beginning of the line 5 and he is not able to see an akṣara before this word. Basak 1923–1924 suggests reading [pa]viṣṇu-, but for me the akṣara pa is totally illegible and I follow the opinion of the editio princeps.
9. 9. My reading of the plate differs from those of Bandyopādhyāya 1909, Basak 1923–1924, Sircar 1942, Sircar 1965, Agrawala 1983 and Balogh et al. 2019 who respectively read Upaka and Rāmaka.
10. 10. Maybe we have to emend sāsu for a feminine plural locative ? It would be logical to have the names of the eight villages mentionned by the expression grāmāṣṭakulādhiraṇañ ca at the beginning of the line 6.
11. 11. The word nīvī is almost always associated with the word akṣaya and both, they constitue the compound akṣayanīvī; which seems to be a epigraphical term in Gupta inscriptions. On this compound, see Kane 1941, p. 860, note 2023. However it would be necessary to make more research on the possibility of the destruction of a permanent endowment.
12. 12. The expression -nalābhyām apaviñchya is found in several inscriptions belonging to the Gupta age :
    • Raktamālā #1 line 21 : naitika-kuddālakhātika-ratny-¿ā?⟨a⟩ṣṭa-navaka-nalābhyām apaviñchya
    • Baigram Plate lines 18-19 : darvvīkarmma-hastenāṣṭaka-navaka-naḷābhyām apaviñcchya preceded by sva-karṣaṇāvirodhi-sthāne
    • Tāvīra Grant lines 16-17 : Aṣṭaka-navaka-nalābhyām apavi(ñ)cchya preceded by viṣaya-maryyādayā
    • Paharpur Plate lines 19-20 : ṣaṭka-naḍair-apaviñcchya preceded by sva-karṣaṇāvirodhi-sthāne
    • Nandapur Plate line 14 : darvvī-karmma-hastenāṣṭaka-navaka-nalābhyām apaviñchya preceded by karṣaṇāvirodhi-sthāne
    • A grant of land to monasteries at Śiṣīpuñja, Madhyamasṛgālikā and Grāmakūṭagohālī lines 23-24 : ṣaṭ-kanalair apaviñ(cch)ya preceded by sva-karṣaṇāvirodhisthāne
    • Raktamālā #2 lines 20-21 : (Aṣṭaka)[nava-kana-]lābhyām apaviñchya
    Given the conventional feature of this kind of inscriptions, one could suggest that the expressions sva-karṣaṇāvirodhisthāne (in a place that does not conflict with your own cultivation) or viṣaya-maryyādayā (according to the rule of this district) began the line 11.
13. 13. Here I have choosen the reading of Sircar 1942, Sircar 1965 and Agrawala 1983 and emend tadbhavaṁ.
14. 14. According to the note 7 of Basak 1923–1924, p. 348, chandoga means one studying the Sāmaveda.
15. 15. The reading of Bandyopādhyāya 1909 śārira-kalyānakasya could be emended by śārira-kalyāṇakasya and translated by “body and auspiciousness” or “the beauty of the body”.
16. 16. This verse is emended on the base of its obvious link with the verse numbered 132 among the Stanzas on Bhūmidāna listed by Sircar (see Sircar 1965, appendix II, pp. 170–200).
17. 17. The pāda cd are emended on the base of the obvious link of this verse with the one numbered 123 among the Stanzas on Bhūmidāna listed by Sircar (see Sircar 1965, appendix II, pp. 170–200).
18. 18. Here I reproduced the translation of the same three verses from Raktamālā #1 made by Arlo Griffiths (see also Griffiths 2015). This verse is emended on the base of its obvious link with the one numbered 131 among the Stanzas on Bhūmidāna listed by Sircar (see Sircar 1965, appendix II, pp. 170–200).
19. 19. Following the final formulation of Jagadishpur Plate, Raktamālā #1, Tāvīra Plate and Raktamālā #2, it is possible to assume tāpitam or likhitam.