Cendalūr Plates of Maṅgi Yuvarāja

Editor: Dániel Balogh.

Identifier: DHARMA_INSVengiCalukya00050.

Language: Sanskrit.

Repository: Eastern Cālukya (tfb-vengicalukya-epigraphy).

Version: (d43568b), last modified (5347f23).

Edition

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⟨1⟩ śrī-vijayasiddh(i)

Plates

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⟨01⟩ @ ⟨02⟩ svasti

⟨1⟩ śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstū(ya)māna-mānavya-sagotr¿a?⟨ā⟩ṇāṁ hārī(tī)⟨2⟩-putrāṇāṁ loka-māt¡ri!⟨r̥⟩bhir māt¡ri!⟨r̥⟩bhir abhivarddhitānāṁ bhaga(va)¡(T)-ś!⟨c-ch⟩r(ī)⟨3⟩-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samupalabdha-vara-varāha-lāñcha(nā)nāṁ ⟨4⟩ svāmi-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ Anekāśvamedha-yāji⟨5⟩nāṁ caḷukyānāṁ kulam alaṁkariṣṇoḥ śrī-viṣṇuvarddhana-mahārāja⟨Page 2r⟩⟨6⟩sya prapautraḥ Abhyuccita-śakti-siddhi-saṁpannasya pratāpopanata-rāja⟨7⟩-maṇḍalasya ⟦sa⟧⟨⟨pa⟩⟩ra-nr̥pati-matta-mātaṁga-kumbha-sthala-vidāraṇa-vidhi-darśita⟨8⟩-siṁha-vikramasya siṁhavikramasya raṇa-bhūṣaṇāyamāna⟨9⟩-vraṇa-kiṇālaṁkr̥ta-sarvva-gātrasya Aneka-go-hiraṇya-bhūmy-ā(d)i-p(ra)⟨10⟩dānaiḥ pravr̥ddha-dharmma-sañcayasya śrīmato mahārājasye(n)dr(a-bhaṭṭā)⟨Page 2v⟩⟨11⟩raka-varmmaṇaḥ pautraḥ sva-bāhu-balārjjitorjjita-(k)ṣātra-tapo-nidheḥ vidhi-vi⟨12⟩hita-sarvva-maryyādasya pratāp⟦o⟧⟨⟨ā⟩⟩nurāgāvanata-sāmanta-cakrasya ⟨13⟩ cakravartti-lakṣaṇopetasya gr̥hītāneka-tuṁgāri-vasu-dhā⟨14⟩ma-kara-dhvajasya makaradhvajasya sva-prabhāvāj jita-sakala-sāmanta⟨15⟩-makuṭa-taṭa-ghaṭita-maṇi-kiraṇāruṇīkr̥ta-caraṇāravindasya⟨Page 3r⟩ ⟨16⟩ śrī-viṣṇuvarddhana-mahārājasya putraḥ nija-bhuja-parākramāva(na)mitāneka⟨17⟩śatru-sāmantānīta-dvirada-pati-mada-dhārābhiṣeka-karddamita-sapta⟨18⟩¡ch!⟨cch⟩ada-surabhi-ramyāṁgaṇopaviṣṭāneka-rājanyāmita-samiti-ko⟨19⟩l¿a?⟨ā⟩halībhūta-rājadvāra(ḥ) madālasa-mattakāśinī-jana-ghana-payo⟨20⟩dharāvalupyamāna-kuṁkuma-paṁkāvaśeṣa-śobhita-kanaka-giri-śi⟨Page 3v⟩⟨21⟩lā-viśāla-vakṣ¡a!⟨aḥ⟩-sthalaḥ Aneka-samara-sāhasāvamardda-labdha-vija⟨22⟩ya-siddhiḥ jaladhir iva ramyatara-lakṣmī-la¡ḷ!⟨l⟩ita-nivāsaḥ mū(r)tta Iva va⟨23⟩santaḥ samudga Iva guṇāṇāṁ dr̥ṣṭānta Iva bhūmipatīnāṁ ⟨24⟩ parama-brahmaṇyaḥ mahārājānubhāva-śrī-sarvvalokāśraya-mahārājaḥ ⟨25⟩ kamma-rāṣṭre cendaṟura-grāme grāmeyakān atra-gata-sarvva-naiyogika⟨Page 4r⟩⟨26⟩-vallabhāṁś cājñāpayati

Eṣa grāmo ⟨’⟩smābhiḥ brāhmaṇebhyaḥ chandogebhyaḥ ⟨27⟩ kauṇḍinya-gotrebhyaḥ ṣaṭ-karmma-niratebhyaḥ satatāvicchinna-⟦sa⟧⟨⟨pa⟩⟩ñca-mahāyajña⟨28⟩-kriyebhyaḥ kaṭūra-vāstavyāya dve Aṁśe⟨.⟩ vaṁgra-boyāya dve⟨.⟩ koḷḷipu⟨29⟩ṟo-boyāya dve⟨.⟩ pidena-boyāya dve⟨.⟩ kuriyida-boyāya dve⟨.⟩ kāḷa⟨30⟩bava-¿b?⟨g⟩otrāya kodiṁka-boyāya dve Aṁśe Evam etebhyaḥ bra⟦b⟧⟨⟨(h)⟩⟩ma-deya⟨Page 4v⟩⟨31⟩-ma(r)yyādayā sarvva-parihāropeto devabhoga-hala-varjjaṁ Āyur-bala-(v)ija⟨32⟩yābhivr̥ddhaye sa⟨ṁ⟩prattaḥ

tad avagamya pariharantu parihārayantu ca⟨.⟩ ⟨33⟩ yo ⟨’⟩sma¡T-ś!⟨c-ch⟩āsanam ¡atikrameT!⟨atikrāmeT⟩ sa pāpaḥ śārīran daṇḍam arhati

⟨34⟩ Api cātrājñaptir u(da)ya-giri-śikhara-makuṭāyamāna-bhāskara Iva nara⟨35⟩bhāskaraḥ Ayyaṇānvaya-dharaṇi-maṇḍala-kula-pa(rvvata)ḥ Aneka-samara⟨Page 5r⟩⟨36⟩-saṁghaṭṭa-vijayī para(ma)-māheśvaraḥ śrīmad a(da)⟨⟨(ṇa)⟩⟩ghavarmmā

Api cātra brahma⟨37⟩-gīt¿ā?⟨au⟩ ślok¿e?⟨au⟩ bhavataḥ

I. Anuṣṭubh

bhūmi-dānāt paran d¿a?⟨ā⟩nan

a

na bhūtan na bhaviṣyati

b

tasyaiva haraṇāT ⟨38⟩ pāpan

c

na bhūtan na bhaviṣyati

d
II. Anuṣṭubh

sva-dattāṁ para-dattāṁ vā

a

yo hareta vasundharāṁ

b

gavā⟨ṁ⟩ śata⟨39⟩sahasrasya

c

hantuḥ pibati kilbiṣaṁ

d

pravarddhamāna-vijaya-rājya-saṁvatsare dvi⟨40⟩tīye vaiśākha-paurṇṇam¿a?⟨ā⟩syāṁ grahaṇa-(n)imittaṁ dattā paṭṭikā⟨.⟩ svasty a⟨41⟩stu sarvva-bhūtebhyaḥ⟨.⟩ pāṁbeyena sarvvottamenā¿dh?⟨th⟩arvvaṇena likhitaM||@||~

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Apparatus

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Plates

⟨5⟩ -mahārāja • As Hultzsch observes, the first character of this word may have been corrected from .

⟨18⟩ -ramyāṁgaṇo° ⬦ -ramyāgaṇo° EH • Probably a typo in EH.

⟨19⟩ -rājadvāra(ḥ)-rājadvāra⟨ḥ⟩ EH • Probably a typo in EH.

⟨26⟩ chandogebhyaḥ • According to EH’s note, the visarga of this word, though not visible in the published estampage, is nonetheless clear in the inked impressions.

⟨36⟩ a(da)⟨⟨(ṇa)⟩⟩ghavarmmā • The pre-correction character may have been va or another character of similar shape. The intended correction may perhaps be mo instead of ṇa.

Translation by Dániel Balogh

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(02) Greetings.

(1–26) The great-grandson of His Majesty King (mahārāja) Viṣṇuvardhana, who was eager to adorn the family of the majestic Caḷukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra, which the entire world praises, who are sons of Hārītī, who are cherished by the Mothers who are the mothers of the world, who have acquired their superior Boar emblem through the grace of the divine Lord Nārāyaṇa, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, and who have performed many Aśvamedha sacrifices—; grandson of the majestic King (mahārāja) Indra-bhaṭṭāraka-varman, who abounded in accumulated powers (śakti) and achievements (siddhi), who had subjugated the circle of kings by his valour, who was [named] Siṁhavikrama (“He of the courage of a lion”) [for] having demonstrated the courage of a lion in his way of splitting apart the surface of the forehead lobes of the raging elephants of enemy kings, who was decorated in every limb by the scars of wounds that had served as his battle ornaments, and whose store of merit (dharma) had grown great through numerous grants of cows, gold, land and so forth; son of His Majesty King (mahārāja) Viṣṇuvardhana (II), who was a repository of exuberant martial ferocity gained by the power of his own arms, who duly (vidhi-) established the status quo (maryādā) for all, who bowed down the circle of peripheral rulers (sāmanta) [both] through prowess and through [winning their] loyalty (anurāga), who possessed the [bodily] omens of a universal sovereign (cakravartin), who was [named] Makaradhvaja (“the Crocodile-bannered love god”) [for] having seized wealth, palaces (dhāma-), tribute (kara) and banners (dhvaja) from many prominent enemies,1 and whose lotus feet were reddened by the rays of gemstones attached to the surface of the crowns of all the subordinates (sāmanta) vanquished by his own might: His Majesty with the style of King (mahārāja), the supremely pious Sarvalokāśraya (Maṅgi-yuvarāja), the doors of whose palace are cacophonous with an immeasurable gathering of many chieftains (rājanya) who approach his forecourt, which is pleasant with the scent of saptacchada trees2 and muddy through being sprinkled with streams of the rut fluid of lordly elephants brought by the numerous hostile neighbours (sāmanta) subdued by the valour of his own arm, the surface of whose chest is as wide as a cliff of the Golden Mountain and decorated with the remnants of saffron ointment rubbed off from the firm breasts of voluptuous women languid with desire, who prevails in victory (vijaya-siddhi) by quashing the aggression (of enemies) in many battles, who resembles the sea in that his residence is most pleasant and dear to Royal Majesty {while the sea is the dear residence of the most pleasant goddess Lakṣmī},3 who is like Spring embodied (in physical beauty), like a basket of virtues, like a paragon of kings—[this Sarvalokāśraya] commands the villagers in the village Cendaṟura in (the district) Kammarāṣṭra, as well as all appointed officials (naiyogika) and royal delegates (vallabha) present there:

(26–32) In order to augment our lifespan, power and victory, we have given this village, with all exemptions according to the convention of a Brahmanic gift (brahma-deya) and excepting arable land in the possession of deities, to Chandoga Brahmins of the Kauṇḍinya gotra, who are engaged in the six duties (of a Brahmin), who always ceaselessly perform the rituals of the five great sacrifices, thus to these men: to the resident of Kaṭūra, two shares; to Vaṁgra-boya, two; to Koḷḷipuṟo-boya, two; to Pidena-boya, two; to Kuriyida-boya, two; to Kodiṁka-boya of the Kāḷabava gotra, two shares.

(32–33) Having understood that, let them (the people addressed) avoid and prevent (infringement of the conferred rights). Whoever transgresses my decree, that villain deserves corporal punishment.

(34–36) Furthermore, the executor (ājñapti) in this matter is His Majesty A¿ṇa?ghavarman,4 the supreme devotee of Maheśvara who is a sun among men resembling the sun crowning the summit of the Sunrise Mountain, a Noble Mountain (kula-parvata) to the circle of the earth that is the Ayyaṇa lineage, victorious in the clash of many a battle.

(36–37) Furthermore, there are two ślokas sung by Brahmā5(relevant) in this matter.

I
There has never been and will never be a gift surpassing the gift of land, nor has there ever been or will ever be a sin [surpassing] the seizing of the same.
II
He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, imbibes the sin of the slayer of a hundred thousand cows.

(39–41) The tablet was given in the second year of the progressive triumphant reign, on the full moon of Vaiśākha,6 on the occasion of an eclipse. Let there be welfare (svasti) to all beings. Written (likhita) by Pāṁbeya the most excellent atharvan priest.7

Commentary

The plates were found in a pot together with the Cendalūr plates of Kumāraviṣṇu II (Hultzsch 1905–1906; Mahalingam 1988, № 11, Kumāraviṣṇu III in the latter), which are also a grant of land at the village Cendalūra in Karmāṅka or Karmmāṅka to a Chandoga Brahmin of the Kauṇḍinya gotra. His name is Bhavaskandatrāta.

Hultzsch (1905–1906, p. 237, n. 3) points out that some of the styles used in this text, namely l6 abhyuccita and pratāpopanata-; l9 Aneka-go-hiraṇya-; l11 sva-bāhu- and vidhi-vihita, were probably adopted from Pallava grants, and the phraseology of the grant portion implies the same. It is worth noting in this connection that the plates themselves are much narrower than a typical Eastern Cālukya plate, somewhet resembling Pallava ones.

According to Kielhorn’s addendum to Hultzsch’s edition of the plates, the date must correspond to an adhika Vaiśākha month, which would have received its name from the following month (Jyeṣṭha) by the Ārya-siddhānta and the Sūya-siddhānta, but from the preceding one (Vaiśākha) by Brahmagupta’s reckoning. Kielhorn in fact actually says that the date would have been more correctly described as the full-moon day “of the second Vaiśākha”, yet neither scholar raises the possibility that dvitīya-vaiśākha- may actually have been intended and omitted by eyeskip after dvitīye.

Bibliography

Reported in Venkayya 1906, p. 7, appendices A/1905-1906, № 2 with some further details at Venkayya 1906, pp. 61–62, § 41. Contents summarised in Butterworth and Venugopaul Chetty 1905, p. 1421e, № 3. Edited from estampages by E. Hultzsch (1905–1906), with estampages, without translation, with a postscript by Kielhorn on the date. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Hultzsch’s edition with his facsimiles.

Primary

[EH] Hultzsch, Eugen Julius Theodor. 1905–1906. “Chendalûr plates of Sarvalôkâśraya.” EI 8, pp. 236–241.

Secondary

Venkayya, V. 1906. G.O. No. 492, 2nd July 1906. Epigraphy. Recording the annual report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, for the year 1905-1906, and directing that the report be forwarded to the Government of India. No place. Page 7, appendixes A/1905-1906, item 2.

Venkayya, V. 1906. G.O. No. 492, 2nd July 1906. Epigraphy. Recording the annual report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, for the year 1905-1906, and directing that the report be forwarded to the Government of India. No place. Pages 61–62, section 41.

Butterworth, Alan and V. Venugopaul Chetty. 1905. A collection of the inscriptions on copper-plates and stones in the Nellore district: Part III. Madras: Superintendent, Government Press. Page 1421e, item 3.

Notes

  1. 1. Hultzsch analyses the compound here (lines 13-14) into gr̥hītāneka-tuṁgāri-vasudhā-makara-dhvajasya, suggesting in his discussion that vasudhā means land or territory. This is plausible; however, makara then presents a problem. Hultzsch, admitting doubt, understands this word to mean “earrings,” which is a legitimate meaning, but is chiefly used for a particular kind of earring (in the shape of a makara), and I do not find this interpretation satisfactory. Nothing in the immediate context suggests jewellery, and no related inscriptions mention the seizing of ornaments that I am aware of. I therefore propose to analyse the compound as gr̥hītāneka-tuṁgāri-vasu-dhāma-kara-dhvajasya. It is possible that Hultzsch’s analysis was also present in the composer’s mind, so that Maṅgi is simultaneously referred to as “the earthly Makaradhvaja, who has captured many prominent enemies,” but in this case the repetition of the word makaradhvajasya would be slightly redundant.
  2. 2. Saptacchada is a name of the tree Alstonia scholaris, bearing clusters of highly fragrant flowers. I am not sure whether actual trees shading and decorating the courtyard are meant here, or whether the scent of the elephants’ rut fluid is thought to resemble that of the saptacchada flower.
  3. 3. It is not certain that the composer had an explicit and fully fledged bitextual interpretation in mind here, and my translation is not the only way to derive such an interpretation from the text.
  4. 4. Or perhaps Amoghavarman, see the apparatus to line. I have no clue who this obviously illustrious personage may have been, nor does Hultzsch offer an opinion.
  5. 5. Or: by Brahmins.
  6. 6. See the commentary.
  7. 7. Or, “the atharvan priest Pāṁbeya Sarvottama.