Pedda-Gāḻidipaṟṟu grant of Amma II

Editor: Dániel Balogh.

Identifier: DHARMA_INSVengiCalukya00040.

Hand description:

Halantas. T is written with ta and a virāma according to KR, while a special sign is used for N (l9, l15, l17).

Original punctuation marks. Single punctuation marks are straight verticals with a serif on top. The final closing symbol is a series of three diminishing curved strokes, followed by a curl extending upward.

Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is normally to the right of the character to which it belongs, at or above headline level; in the Telugu boundary descriptions it may also be on top of the next character. ḍ and d are often indistinguishable; in the Telugu words I blindly follow KR’s choice between these two, except for the name of the granted village where I disagree with him (see the apparatus to lines 56 and 61).

Languages: Sanskrit, Telugu.

Repository: Eastern Cālukya (tfb-vengicalukya-epigraphy).

Version: (21f0a47), last modified (1021dca).

Edition

Seal

⟨1⟩ śrī-tribhuvan(āṁku)śa

Plates

⟨Page 1r⟩
I. Vasantatilakā

⟨Page 1v⟩ ⟨1⟩ vyākr̥ṣṭa-ratna-¿k?⟨kh⟩acitāyata-śā¡ṁrgga!⟨rṇga⟩-cāpo

a

yas sendrakārmmuka-vinīla-payoda-¿b?⟨v⟩r̥ndaM|

b

nirbbhar¿cc?⟨ts⟩ayann iva vibhā⟨2⟩ti sa kr̥ṣṇa-kānti⟨r⟩

c

vviṣṇuś śivan diśatu vo ⟨’⟩vadhr̥ta-trilokaḥ||

d

svasti⟨.⟩ śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mā⟨3⟩navya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇāṁ kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānām mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svāmi⟨4⟩-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāha-lāṁcchanekṣa⟨5⟩ṇa-(kṣa)ṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalāṇām aśvamedhāvabhr̥tha-snāna-pavitrīkr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cālukyānāṁ ku⟨6⟩lam alaṁkariṣṇos satyāśraya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā kubja-viṣṇuvarddhana-nr̥patir aṣṭādaśa varṣāṇi ⟨7⟩ veṁgī-deśam apālayaT| tad-ātmajo jayasiṁhas trayastrimśataM| tad-anujendrarāja-nandano viṣṇuvarddhano na⟨8⟩va| tat-sūnur mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ paṁcaviṁśatiM| tat-putro jayasiṁhas trayodaśa| tad-avara⟨9⟩jaḥ kokkili¡ṣ! ṣaṇ māsān| tasya jyeṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇuvarddhanas tam uccāṭya saptatriṁśataM| tat-putro vi⟨Page 2r⟩⟨10⟩jayāditya-bhaṭṭārako ⟨’⟩ṣṭādaśa| tat-suto viṣṇuvarddhanaṣ ṣattriṁśataM|

II. Anuṣṭubh

narendra-mr̥garājākhy(o)

a

mr̥⟨11⟩garāja-parākramaḥ|

b

vijayāditya-bhūpālaḥ

c

catvāriṁśat samā[⏑⏓]||

d

tat-putraẖ kali-viṣṇuvarddha⟨12⟩no ⟨’⟩(dhyarddha-varṣaM| tat-su)to guṇaga-vijayādityaś catuścatvāriṁśataM|

III. Sragdharā

tad-bhrātur yy¿o?⟨au⟩varājyonnata-mahi⟨13⟩ma-bhr̥to vikramāditya-bhūpāj

a

jātaś cālukya-bhīmas sakala-nr̥pa-gu(ṇo)tk(r̥)ṣṭa-cāritra-pātraḥ|

b

dānī ⟨14⟩ kānīna-dāna⟦t⟧⟨⟨s⟩⟩thiti-virasa-karaḥ sārvvabhauma-pratāpo|

c

rājyaṁ kr̥tvā prayātaḥ tridaśa-pati-padaṁ ⟨15⟩ triṁśad-abda-pramāṇa(ṁ)||

d

tat-putraḥ kaliyattigaṇḍa-vijayādityaṣ ṣaṇ māsāN| tat-sūnur ammarājas sa⟨16⟩pta-varṣ(ā)(i)| tat-sutaṁ vijayādityaṁ kaṇṭhikā-kram¿a?⟨ā⟩yāta-paṭṭābhiṣekaṁ bālam uccāṭya{|} tāla-rājo rājyam māsa⟨17⟩(m e)kaṁ⟨.⟩ cālukya-bhīma-suto vikramādityas taṁ hatvā Ekādaśa māsāN|

IV. Āryāgīti

vijayādityo veṁgī-nātha{|}ẖ kaliyatti⟨18⟩gaṇḍa-nāmā dhīmā¡|n!⟨N|

ab

tasya sat¿i?⟨ī⟩ me(ḻā)ṁbā| taj-ja⟨ḥ⟩ śrī-rāja-bhīma-nr̥patir aj¿a?⟨e⟩yaḥ||

cd
V. Sragdharā

satya-tyāgābhimānādy-akhi⟨Page 2v⟩⟨19⟩la-guṇa-yuto rājamārttaṇḍam ājau|

a

jitvogram mallapākhyaṁ sa-sutam a¿dh?⟨t⟩ibalaṁ dr(o)hiṇ(o) ⟨’⟩py antakābh¡o!|

b

dviḍ-bhīmo rāṣṭra⟨20⟩kūṭa-prabala-bala-tamas-saṁharo dvādaśābdaṁ

c

rājyaṁ kr̥tvāgamat s⟨v⟩aḥ| pranịhita-su-yaśo-dharmma-santāna-varggaḥ||

d
VI. Sragdharā

vi⟨21⟩ṣṇoḥ pa(dme)va śa(ṁ)bhor iva giri-tanayā yasya devī sa-paṭṭā|

a

saṁ(śuddhā) (haiha?)yānān nija-kula-viṣaye puṇya-(lā)va⟨22⟩ṇya-gaṇyā|

b

lokāṁbā tat-suto ⟨’⟩bhūd vijita-para-balo veṁg(i)-nātho ⟨’⟩(mma)rāj(o)|

c

rājad-rājādhir(ā)jaḫ para-nr̥pa-ma⟨23⟩kuṭ(o)dghr̥ṣṭa-pādāravindaḥ|

d
VII. Sragdharā

veṁgī-rājyābhi(ṣ)i(kt)o nija-ripu-vijayādityam udyat-samartthaṁ|

a

jitvānekāji-raṁga⟨24⟩-prajita-para-balaṁ kaṇṭhikā-(dā)ma-(kaṇṭha)¡(| n)!⟨n|

b

(dāyā)da-drohi-(va)rg(g)ān api (sa) kara-balaḥ kṣattriyāditya-de⟨25⟩v¡o|!

c

dhvastāri-dhvānta-rāśi(r v)vilasita-kamalas sa-pratāp(o) vi(bh)āti||

d
VIII. Sragdharā

yan nirmmātun nimittaṁ kr̥tam idam akhilaṁ viṣṭapam hi ⟨26⟩ tri-m(ū)⟨r⟩tte¡|r!⟨ḥ|

a

ātmānaṁ cātmanāsmād iha sakala-guṇ(ai rā)(ja-bhīmo?)dva(ho) ⟨’⟩bhū¡|t!⟨T|

b

tejorāśiḥ prajānāṁ patir adhika-ba⟨27⟩(la)s sa-pratāpo ⟨’⟩ṣṭa-mūrtti¡|s!⟨ḥ|

c

so ⟨’⟩yan devo ⟨’⟩mmarājo jana-guṇa-janako ⟨’⟩nan¿u?⟨ya⟩-rājāgra-cihnaḥ|

d
IX. Sragdharā

svar-yyātāḥ pūrvva⟨Page 3r⟩⟨28⟩-nāthā nala-nahuṣa-hariścandra-rāmādayo ⟨’⟩pi|

a

pratyakṣās te yaśobhir gguṇa-vapur acalā-sthair idānī⟨29⟩m adr̥ṣṭāḥ|

b

yasyoccaiḥ-(kīr)tti-r(aṁge?) (bha)-gaṇa Iva jagaty advitīyodaye ⟨’⟩smiN|

c

rājad-rā(jā)dhirājas sa ja⟨30⟩yati vijayāditya-(devo) ⟨’⟩(mma)rājaḥ|

d

gadyaM|

sa jagatī-patir ammarājo rāja-mahendra⟨ḥ⟩ bhogīndra-saha⟨31⟩sra-bhogopahāsi-dīrggha-daḳṣiṇaika-b¿a?⟨ā⟩hu-sandh¡ri!⟨r̥⟩ta-viśva-viśvaṁbharā-bhāraḥ| nārāyaṇa ⟨32⟩ Iva nirantarānanta-bhogāspadaḥ| vidhur iva sukha-virājitaḥ| pitāmaha Iva kama⟨33⟩lāsanaḥ| g(i)(r)i⟧riśa Iva dharādhara-sutārādhitaḥ| ratnākara Iva samasta⟨34⟩-śaraṇāgata-bhūbhr̥d-āśrayaḥ| suvarṇṇācala Iva suvarṇṇottuṁgodayaḥ| himācala⟨35⟩Iva siṁhāsanollāsita-camarī-vāla-vyajana-virājamāna-līlaḥ||

sa sama⟨36⟩sta-bhuvanāśraya-śrī-vijayāditya-mahārāj¿a?⟨ā⟩dhirāja-parameśvara-parama⟨Page 3v⟩⟨37⟩-bhaṭṭārakaḥ{|} velanāṇḍu-viṣaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhān kuṭ¡i!⟨u⟩ṁbinas samasta⟨38⟩-sāmantāntaḫpura-mahāmātra-purohitāmātya-śreṣṭhi-senāpati-śr¿i?⟨ī⟩karaṇa-dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩dhyakṣa⟨39⟩-dvādaśa-sthān¿a?⟨ā⟩dhipatīn samāhūyettham ājñāpayati⟨.⟩

viditam astu vaḥ|

X. Āryāgīti

śrīmān udapā⟨40⟩di m¿ā?⟨a⟩hān triṇaya(na)-kula-sādhur ¿adivanaṁgrevyākhyo?

ab

gotr¡o! siṁhāsanato| ⟨41⟩ vidito (na)ra(vā)hana(ś calukyeśānāM|)

cd
XI. Āryāgīti

śrīkaraṇa-guru(r gg)urur iva| vibudha-guru⟨42⟩s sa(ka)la-rāja-si(ddhā)nta-(jñaḥ|)

ab

naravāhana Ity āsī¡|n!⟨N| ⟨n⟩ya(k)⟨k⟩r̥ta-naravāha(na)ḥ prakā(śi)ta⟨43⟩-yaśasā|

cd
XII. Āryāgīti

yasyāgra-suto guṇavā¡|(n)!⟨N| elaparājo guṇa-pradhāno dānī|

ab

mānī mā⟨44⟩nava-carito| mānava-devo jinendra-pada-padmāliḥ|

cd
XIII. Āryāgīti

tasya sat¿i?⟨ī⟩ meṇḍāṁbā| sīteva pati⟨45⟩-vratā ⟨⟨jina-vrata⟩⟩-caritā|

ab

satyavatī vinayavatī| satatāhāra-pradāyinī dhr̥ta-dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩|

cd
XIV. Āryāgīti

taj-jau⟨Page 4r⟩⟨46⟩sut(au) prasiddh(au)| buddhi-par(au){|} sa(kala)-śāstra-śastra-viv(e)k(au)|

ab

bhīma-naravāhanākhy(au)| vikhyātau rā⟨47⟩ma-lakṣma(ṇā?)(v iva loke|)

cd
XV. Āryāgīti

y(au) bh(īmārju)na-¿ś?⟨s⟩adr̥ś¿o?⟨au⟩| bala-yuta-baladeva-vāsud(e)va-(samā)nau|

ab

(na)⟨48⟩(ku)la-sa(hadeva)-tulyau| t¿o?⟨au⟩ jāt¿o?⟨au⟩ jaina-dharmma-nirata-caritrau|||

cd
XVI. Sragdharā

śrīma¡t!⟨c⟩-cālukya-bhīma-kṣiti(pa-karuṇa)⟨49⟩(yā labdha)-sāmanta-cihnau|

a

¿śrīdvāraurvvaṁbaraṣṭhīvanapada?-vilasac-cāmara-(c)chatra-l(ī?)l¡|)!⟨au|

b

¡(vu?)!⟨U⟩⟨50⟩(ccair-vvis?)(tārikā)sthau śikhi-ruha-paṭala-cchādya-sat-karkkar(ī)kau|

c

jātau cāl(u)kya-(mū)lau[1×]⟨51⟩(sa-maṇi?)-(ka)ri-hayau| kāhalādy-abhyupetau|

d
XVII. Sragdharā

jainācāryyo yadīyo gurur akhi⟨52⟩la-guṇaś candrasenākhya-śi¿ś?⟨ṣ⟩yo¡|ś!⟨ś|

a

śāstra-jñ¡(o)r! nnāthasen¡or! m(m)uni-nuta-jayaseno muni⟨r⟩ dd(ī)kṣitātmā|

b

si⟨53⟩ddhānta-jñaḥ kalā-jñaḥ para-samaya-paṭu⟨⟨ḥ⟩⟩ ⟨⟨sa⟩⟩n-nutokr̥ṣṭa-vr̥tta¡|s!⟨s|

c

sat-pātra⟨ḥ⟩ śravakāṇāṁ kṣapaṇaka-suja⟨54⟩na¡-kṣullakarjyarjjakānāM!|

d

tasm(ai) tābhyāṁ rājabhīma-naravāha¿ṇ?⟨n⟩ābhyāṁ vijayavāṭikāyāṁ ⟨Page 4v⟩ ⟨55⟩ jina-bhavana-yugan ni⟨r⟩mmitam⟨.⟩ etad-dharmmārttham asmābhis sarvva-kara-parihāraṁ devabhogī⟨56⟩-kr̥tya pedda-gāḻidipaṟṟu nāma grāmo dattaḥ⟨.⟩

Asyāvadhayaḥ| pūrvvataḥ maṇḍayū ⟨57⟩ ri-pola-garusuna yisupakaṭṭala-ceṟuvuna naḍimi dūba⟨.⟩ (Ā)gneyataḥ Ālapaṟ(t?)iyuṁ jūṁṭūri⟨58⟩(yuṁ) muyyal-kuṭṭu(na) būruvu pa(ḍuva?)| dakṣiṇataḥ cūṁṭūri-prānta-paṟti-yuttaraṁbuna kuṇḍi⟨59⟩viḍḍi-guṇṭha| nairr̥tyataḥ cūṁṭūriyamma-poṭyavva-guḍi| paś(c)i(mataḥ) reṭipaḍumaṭidari|⟨60⟩yavyataḥ valiveri-pola-(garu)suna gārala-guṇṭha| Uttarataḥ tapparāla paḍuva| Ī⟨61⟩śānataḥ koḍa-gāḻidipaṟtiyu(ṁ) (va?)(l)iveriyu(ṁ) muyyal-kuṭṭuna naḍupani-guṇṭha||

XVIII. Sragdharā

tasya s(th)eyād ala⟨62⟩ṁghyaṁ ¿ś?⟨s⟩uciram uruta(raṁ śā)sanaṁ rājakoktaṁ|

a

sa¿kt?⟨t-k⟩(īr)tt(er) vveṁgi-pasya prakaṭa-guṇa-nidher ammarā(ja)sya (p)ū(j)yaṁ|

b

⟨63⟩ tatredaṁ śāsan(aṁ ca?) (sthi)ta-(j)ina-nigamaṁ śauryya-bhītānyanātha-

c

-vrātoccai⟨r⟩-mmauli-mālā-maṇi¿v?⟨k⟩a-makarik⟦o⟧⟨⟨ā⟩⟩-malli⟨Page 5r⟩⟨64⟩kollāsitāṁghr¿i?⟨e⟩||

d

Asyopari na kenacid bādhā karttavyā⟨.⟩ yaḥ karoti sa paṁca-mahāpātaka-saṁ⟨65⟩yukto bhavati|| tathā cokta(ṁ) vyāsena||

XIX. Anuṣṭubh

bahubhir vvasudhā dattā

a

bahubhiś cānupālitā|

b

yasya ya⟨66⟩sya yadā bhūmis

c

tasya tasya tadā phalaṁ||

d
XX. Anuṣṭubh

sva-dattāṁ para-dattāṁ vā

a

yo hareta vasundharāṁ

b

ṣaṣṭi-va⟨67⟩rṣa-sahasrā(ṇi)

c

viṣṭhāyāṁ jāyate kr̥miḥ||

d
XXI. Śālinī

sarvvān etān bhāvinaḥ p{r}ā(r)tthivendrān

a

bhūyo ⟨68⟩ bhūyo yā(ca)te rāmabhadraḥ|

b

sāmānyo ⟨’⟩yaṁ dharmma-setur nr̥pāṇāṁ

c

kāle kāle pālanīy{y}o bhavadbhiḥ||

d
XXII. Vasantatilakā

⟨69⟩ mad-vaṁ(śa-jāḥ para)-mahīpati-vaṁśa-jā vā

a

pāpād apeta-manaso bhuvi bhāvi-bhūpāḥ|

b

ye pālaya⟨70⟩nti mama dharmma(m i)maṁ samasta⟨ṁ⟩

c

t(e)ṣāṁ mayā viracito ⟨’⟩ṁjalir eṣa (m)ūrdhni||

d

Ājñapti⟨ḥ⟩ ka(ṭa)ka-rājaḥ| jayantācā⟨71⟩ryye(ṇa) likhitaM|| °

⟨Page 5v⟩

Apparatus

Seal

Plates

⟨1⟩ nirbbhar¿cc?⟨ts⟩ayann ⬦ nirbbhar¿cch?⟨ts⟩ayann KR.

⟨9⟩ kokkili¡ṣ!kokili¡ṣ! KR.

⟨11⟩ (samā)[⏑⏓] KR • Two syllables have been omitted here. Variants of this stanza exist with the endings catvāriṁśat samāṣṭabhiḥ (Maliyapūṇḍi grant of Amma II, Vemalūrpāḍu plates of Amma II AC), catvāriṁśat-samo ’ṣṭabhiḥ (Īnteṟu grant of Bādapa), catvāriṁśat samās samaḥ (Nammūru grant of Amma II, Koḻūru (spurious?) grant of Bhīma II) and sa-catvāriṁśad aṣṭakam (Vemalūrpāḍu plates of Amma II PC). The prose versions of the genealogy predominantly assign 48 years to Narendra-Mr̥garāja, and the variants of this stanza may be explained by an effort to eliminate the non-standard sandhi in the presumable original catvāriṁśat samāṣṭabhiḥ, I am tempted to restore this text here. The Tāṇḍikoṇḍa grant of Amma II records the length of his reign in a different metre and unambiguously as aṣṭa-yuktāś catvāriṁśat samāḥ. Scholars disagree about the length of Narendra-Mr̥garāja’s reign, and Krishna Rao (Krishna Rao 1937–1938, pp. 269–270; Krishna Rao 1934–1935, pp. 27–28) argues vehemently for 40. He apparently accepts this record as another piece of evidence for 40 years, which is definitely not admissible, since the omitted characters could have corresponded to any of the versions cited here. I thus prefer not to restore anything here.

⟨12⟩ yy¿o?⟨au⟩varājyo° ⬦ yyauvarājyo° KR.

⟨14⟩ kānīna-dāna⟦t⟧⟨⟨s⟩⟩thiti-virasa-karaḥ ⬦ [––⏑––⏑⏑⏑]rasa-karaḥ KR • The reading is reasonably clear in my photographs, but not quite intelligible. I believe that stuti may have been intended where tthiti has been corrected to sthiti. The characters nīnadāna are all quite narrow and may have been written over slightly shorter erased text, but there is no clear evidence of erasure.

⟨15⟩ triṁśad-abda-pramāṇa(ṁ)(triṁśad-abdā)(krameṇa?) KR • The correct reading, confirmed by my photographs, is given in an editorial footnote to KR’s edition.

⟨16⟩ -kram¿a?⟨ā⟩yāta- ⬦ -kramāyāta- KR.

⟨18⟩ taj-jaḥ ⬦ taj-ja- KR • Though the verse is intelligible as received, I consider my emendation warranted. — ⟨18⟩ aj¿a?⟨e⟩yaḥ ⬦ ajeyaḥ KR.

⟨19⟩ a¿dh?⟨t⟩ibalaṁ ⬦ adhibalaṁ KR • Since adhibala seems to be attested only as a technical term in drama, I prefer to emend.

⟨20⟩ s⟨v⟩aḥ ⬦ saḥ KR.

⟨22⟩ veṁg(i)- ⬦ veṁgī- KR • The metre requires a short vowel here. The plate is too corroded to tell definitively whether the actually inscribed vowel was long or short. — ⟨22⟩ -rājādhir(ā)jaḫ para-nr̥pa- ⬦ -rājādhirājo (jita-ripu)- KR • The correct reading (confirmed by the photos) is indicated (as clear) in a footnote signed “N. L. R.” in KR’s edition.

⟨24⟩ -(kaṇṭha)¡(| n)!| n⟩-(kaṇṭhaṁ)| {n} KR • The dot that KR reads as an anusvāra is above ṇṭha, so it is probably damage, and the punctuation mark was placed before the conjunct as in line 18 above and several times below. — ⟨24⟩ kṣattriyāditya- ⬦ kṣatriyāditya- KR.

⟨26⟩ tri-m(ū)⟨r⟩tter ⬦ tri-mūrtter KR.

⟨27⟩ nan¿u?⟨ya⟩- ⬦ nanya- KR.

⟨28⟩ gguṇa-vapur acalā-s(thai)r ⬦ gguṇa-vapur-acalā s(vai)r KR.

⟨29⟩ yasyoccaiḥ-(kīr)tti-r(aṁge?) (bha)-gaṇa Iva jagaty advitīyodaye ⬦ yasyoccaiḥ kīrtti-rā(śir bha)-gaṇa Iva jagaty advitīyodayo KR • The reading I propose is highly tentative and somewhat problematic (see the note to the translation). KR’s rāśir does not seem possible based on the vestiges.The r cannot have a full-sized ā attached on the right; an upward stroke for ā cannot be excluded with certainty, but only a dot, probably an anusvāra, is visible at the top right of the r. The vowel of the next character is almost certainly e; the consonant body could be ś as read by KR, but g and th are equally possible and other readings cannot be excluded.

⟨30⟩ -mahendra⟨ḥ⟩-mahendra- KR.

⟨31⟩ -bhogopahāsi- • Possibly emend to -bhogopahāsī; see the note to the translation. — ⟨31⟩ -sandh¡ri!⟨r̥⟩ta- ⬦ -sāndrita- KR.

⟨33⟩ g(i)(r)i⟧riśa ⬦ gi{vi}riśa KR • The superfluous character looks more like ri than vi to me. Its vowel is clear, while its body is very faint. It was probably deleted in the original, but it is strange that before the hole, the vowel of gi is all but invisible (and may have been hammered out) while the body is clear, so the two characters on either side of the hole together yield a clear gi.

⟨36⟩ -mahārāj¿a?⟨ā⟩dhirāja- ⬦ -mahārājādhirāja- KR.

⟨38⟩ -dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩dhyakṣa- ⬦ -dharmmādhyakṣa- KR.

⟨39⟩ ettham ⬦ et¿t?⟨th⟩am KR • The subscript th resembles t with the tail extended into a nearly full circle. It is different from a standard th, but clearly distinct from t and identical to the specimens (read as th by KR too) in sthāna earlier in this line, and in dharmmārttham in line 55.

⟨40⟩ -sādhur ¿adivanaṁgrevyākhyo? gotr¡o!-sādhura [3×] grevyākhyo gotr¿o?⟨aḥ⟩ KR • These characters omitted from KR’s edition are clear, but I am unable to interpret them, and presumably so was KR, hence his omission. The name of the gotra may be adivanaṁgrevya or even adivanaṁgre (assuming the next member is -vyākhyo rather than -ākhyo), but neither seems plausible. In KR’s interpretation, the gotra is called grevya, but this too does not seem to be attested anywhere else. I prefer not to emend the endings because the text is not properly understood, but on the basis of parallel grants, it would not be surprising if the donees’ lineage as a whole were introduced first. However, as gotra is normally neuter (and even if it was treated as masculine here, the sandhi is incorrect in gotro siṁhāsanato), a locative (°ākhye gotre) was probably intended here.

⟨41⟩ (calukyeśānāM)cālukye(śānāM) KR • The metre requires a short syllable here.

⟨42⟩ āsī¡|n!⟨N| ⟨n⟩ya(k)⟨k⟩r̥ta- ⬦ āsīn nyakr̥ta- KR.

⟨43⟩ guṇavā¡|(n)!⟨N| elapa- ⬦ guṇavāN{|} melapa- KR • The reading is clear. KR further observes that the vowel of the character after the punctuation mark may be ai, since there is a "loop-like" stroke at its bottom. This can only be an artefact of the estampage; no such stroke is visible in the photos. — ⟨43⟩ -pradhāno ⬦ -pra(bhā?)vo KR • The correct reading was proposed by KR’s editor in a footnote.

⟨44⟩ -padmāliḥ|-padmā(rcako)|| KR • KR’s reading is unmetrical. The correct reading was proposed in a note signed N. L. R. in KR’s edition. — ⟨44⟩ sat¿i?⟨ī⟩satī KR.

⟨45⟩ ⟨⟨jina-vrata⟩⟩- • This text was omitted due to eyeskip at vratā. There is a + plus-shaped mark above and to the right of vratā for the locus of insertion. The text to be inserted begins below , and is marked on the left with two plain vertical lines, on the right with one. — ⟨45⟩ -dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩-dharmmā KR.

⟨48⟩ -kṣiti(pa-karuṇa)⟨49⟩(yā)(-kṣitipati-kr̥pa)⟨49⟩ KR • My reading is confident in spite of the poor condition of the writing.

⟨49⟩ ¿śrīdvāraurvvaṁbaraṣṭhīvanapada?śrīdvārau (rvvabaraṣṭhīvana?)-pada- KR • This piece of text resists all my attempts to read an intelligible sequence into it. My photographs confirm that KR had read it correctly, except that an anusvāra is present. The characters are not effaced, although the form of some permits a degree of ambiguity. Thus, rau might be ro, pa might be ṣa, and da might be ḍa. With probable scribal error figured in, the number of possibilities increases. See the commentary for further details. — ⟨49⟩ -vilasac- ⬦ -vilasa¡t!⟨c⟩- KR • Unlike śrīma¡t!⟨c⟩- in the previous line, the text has c-c here. — ⟨49⟩ -l(ī?)l¡|)!⟨au|(līlau) KR • I am reasonably certain that līlā was inscribed here, with līlau intended, but joined in sandhi across the punctuation mark (see also the next apparatus entry) in spite of this being the end of a hemistich. — ⟨49⟩ ¡(vu?)!⟨U⟩⟨50⟩(ccair-vvis?)(tārikā)sthau ⬦[]⟨50⟩[–––]rikasthau KR • The spelling vuccair may be simple vernacular influence, with several parallels in the corpus, but is probably the result of sandhi across a punctuation mark; see the previous note.

⟨50⟩ -(mū)lau [1×](cūlau) KR • The illegible character at the end of the line (most resembling ba or ja) is hypermetrical and has probably been deleted in the original. My reading of mūlau is reasonably confident; see the translation for its interpretation.

⟨51⟩ (sa-maṇi?)- ⬦ [⏑⏑⏑] KR.

⟨52⟩ śi¿ś?⟨ṣ⟩yo¡|ś!⟨ś|śi¿ś?⟨ṣ⟩y¿o|ś?⟨aś⟩ KR • I normalise only the placement of the punctuation mark (which, as elsewhere, must have been placed so as to interrupt a word in preference to interrupting an akṣara). I prefer not to emend the case ending, since I am not convinced that KR’s emendation corresponds to the intent of the composer. See also the next entry and the note to the translation. — ⟨52⟩ śāstra-jñ¡(o)r! nnāthasen¡o(r)! (mmu)ni- ⬦ śāstra-jño{r} n{n}āthaseno m{m}uni- KR • I am not convinced that KR’s emendation corresponds to the composer’s intent, though I am uncertain about the interpretation of this passage. See also the previous entry and the note to the translation.

⟨53⟩ -paṭu⟨⟨ḥ⟩⟩ ⟨⟨sa⟩⟩n-nuto° • I believe that -paṭussannuto° was originally intended here, but ssa was omitted, probably due to the similarity of ssa and nnu. Next, a single sa was inserted below the line (with a plus-shaped cross above, between ṭu and nnu, marking the place it belongs. There would have been no space for inserting ssa in this way, so finally a visarga was squeezed in between ṭu and the plus-shaped mark. — ⟨53⟩ -pātra⟨ḥ⟩-pātraḥ KR • The visarga is not present in the original. The text would be interpretable without it, but I agree with KR that it is smoother with.

⟨54⟩ ¡-kṣullakarjyarjjakānāM!-kṣullakār¿j?⟨y⟩yājjakānāM KR • The first two instances of ā in KR’s edition are not present in the original. I prefer not to emend, since the spelling appears to apply the two-mora rule and thus reflect an influence of Jain Prakrit.

⟨55⟩ ni⟨r⟩mmitam etad ⬦ nirmmitam etad KR • The character me has a superfluous vertical stroke down from the elbow of the right arm. The scribe probably began to write mm then aborted the subscript part.

⟨56⟩ -gāḻidipaṟṟu ⬦ -gāḻiḍipaṟṟu KR • As KR notes, he reads ḍi by a somewhat arbitrary "inclination". Indeed, d and are often indistinguishable in this script. However, the same word in line 61 appears with the prefix koḍa, where is written with a distinct upward curl at the end, whereas the similar character in the name gāḻidipaṟṟu ends on a downward bend.

⟨57⟩ yisupakaṭṭala- ⬦ yisu kaṭṭala- KR • A character is missing from KR’s edition.

⟨58⟩ pa(ḍuva?) • The last two characters are faintly visible in KR’s photo, but completely obliterated in the new photographs.

⟨61⟩ -gāḻidipaṟtiyuṁ ⬦ -gāḻiḍipaṟtiyuṁ KR • See the note on line 56 above.

⟨63⟩ (ca?) (sthi)ta- ⬦ (pālita)- KR • The reading I adopt is shown in a footnote signed N. L. R. in KR’s edition. He is certainly right about sthi and probably right about the rest of the locus. Another possibility, less likely, is to read śāsanāvasthita-, with a very small (possibly subsequently inserted) vowel marker instead of an anusvāra. — ⟨63⟩ -makarik⟦o⟧⟨⟨ā⟩⟩- ⬦ -makarik¿o?⟨ā⟩- KR • I am fairly positive that the correction was made in the original, by striking out the overhead element of the vowel marker and leaving only the right-hand stroke.

⟨66⟩ hareta vasundharāṁ • The characters tava and the left-hand side of su are compressed, probably a correction written over a shorter erased text, of which no trace is visible.

Translation by Dániel Balogh

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Plates1

I
He who with his dark complexion and with his long, jewel-encrusted Śārṅga bow fully drawn appears to mock a bluish flock of clouds accompanied by a rainbow: may that Viṣṇu, who bears the three worlds, apportion good grace (śiva) to you.

(2–10) Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother King (nr̥pati) Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His [brother] of inferior birth, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six.

II
King (bhūpāla) Vijayāditya (II) who was called Narendramr̥garāja and who had the courage of a lion (mr̥garāja), [reigned] for forty years [2*].2
XI–XII
His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son Guṇaga Vijayāditya (III), for forty-four.
III
From his brother Prince (bhūpa) Vikramāditya, who bore the exalted distinction of being the heir-apparent (yuvarāja), was born Cālukya-Bhīma, a vessel of eminent conduct thanks to [his possession of] all royal virtues. Generous [enough] to make ¿praise?3 for the generosity of the Maid’s Son (Karṇa) pale [in comparison], his valour [known] all over the earth, he reigned to the measure of thirty years, whereupon he departed to the presence of (Indra) the lord of the thirty [gods].

(15–17) His son Kaliyattigaṇḍa Vijayāditya (IV), for six months. His son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. After dethroning his son Vijayāditya (V), who had been consecrated for kingship with the locket (kaṇṭhikā) and the hereditary turban (paṭṭa), King Tāla, for one month. After slaying him, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), for eleven months.

IV
Clever Vijayāditya (IV) was the Lord of Veṅgī by the name Kaliyattigaṇḍa. His loyal wife was Meḻāmbā. From them was born the invincible king (nr̥pati), His Majesty King (rājan) Bhīma (II).
V
Endowed with all virtues such as truthfulness, liberality and self-confidence, he, resembling Death, vanquished in battle Rājamārtaṇḍa [and] the fierce and very powerful one named Mallapa (Yuddhamalla II) along with his sons, as well as [other] ill-wishers. A [veritable] Bhīma to his enemies and the dispeller of the mightily powerful darkness consisting of {the powerful armies of} the Rāṣṭrakūṭas, he reigned for twelve years, whereupon, having accomplished a host of [deeds of] great glory and [foundations for] the propagation of piety (dharma).
VI
His queen (crowned) with the turban—as Padmā (Lakṣmī) to Viṣṇu, as (Pārvatī) the daughter of the Mountain to Śambhu (Śiva)—was the chaste Lokāmbā, noted for her virtue and beauty in the country of her own family, that of the Haihayas. Their son is Ammarāja (II), the Lord of Veṅgī who defeats the forces of his enemies, the resplendent emperor (rājādhirāja) whose lotus foot is rubbed by the crests of enemy kings.
VII
Anointed for the kingship of Veṅgī, he has vanquished his kinsman-enemy—Vijayāditya (V), who, with his power on the rise, had triumphed over the forces of his own enemies on the field of many a battle and whose neck was wreathed with the locket (kaṇṭhikā)—as well as hosts of rivals and ill-wishers. Having dispelled the enveloping darkness of enemies, he of strong arms {powerful rays} shines like a divine Sun among kṣatriyas, full of resplendence {valour} and illuminating the lotuses {delighting Kamalā (Royal Fortune)}.
VIII
The Triple Divinity (trimūrti) created this entire world (only) to become His efficient cause of bringing this man into existence, and [thus of re-creating] Himself through Himself. Hence, the offspring of King Bhīma became [endowed] with all virtues in this world: a blaze of glory, a lord of creatures {subjects}, greatly powerful, valiant, possessing eight forms. This is he: the divine Ammarāja, inciter of virtue in his people, who possesses the outstanding hallmarks of an unequalled king.4
IX
Although kings of yore such as Nala, Nahuṣa, Hariścandra and Rāma, now gone to heaven, are distinctly perceivable thanks to their reputations, to those staying on earth (acalā-stha) they are [nonetheless] invisible as regards their qualities and [physical] form. Victorious is the divine Vijayāditya (VI), the resplendent emperor (rājādhirāja) Ammarāja (II), in whose [physical] body resounding fame (uccaiḥ-kīrti) is as unparalleled (advitīyā) in conspicuity (udaya) as the multitude of stars in this world..5

(30) [What follows is] prose.

(30–35) That master of the world, Ammarāja Rājamahendra, supports the burden of the entire all-supporting earth with a single arm, his long right one, which ridicules the thousand hoods of the lord of serpents {scoffs at the dominions of thousands of eminent rulers}.6 Like Nārāyaṇa, whose abode is the coils of (the serpent) Ananta, {he is the abode of uninterrupted and infinite mastery}. Like the moon, whose light is pleasant, {he basks in happiness}. Like the Grandfather (Brahmā), whose seat is a lotus, {he is the seat of Kamalā (royal majesty)}. Like (Śiva) the Mountain-Dweller, who was propitiated by (Pārvatī) the Daughter of the Mountain, {he is worshipped by royal princesses}. Like the ocean, which sheltered all mountains that came seeking its protection, {he is the succour of all kings who come seeking his protection}. Like the Golden Mountain, whose heights are lofty and golden, {he has a high income of gold}. Like the Himalaya, whose grace is resplendent with the fluttering of the tails of female yaks startled away from the dens of lions, {his pageantry is dazzling with a (golden) throne and with yaktail flywhisks}.

(35–39) [That] shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya, the Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), the Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka), convokes the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Velanāṇḍu district (viṣaya) [and] all barons (sāmanta), the steward (antaḥpura), the dignitaries (mahāmātra), the chaplain (purohita), ministers (amātya), guild foremen (śreṣṭhin), the general (senāpati), the chancellor (śrīkaraṇa), the justiciar (dharmādhyakṣa) and the twelve local magistrates (sthānādhipati),7 and commands them as follows:

(39) Let it be known to you [that]

X
There arose ¿in? the gotra ¿named Adivanaṁgrevya? a great and illustrious gentleman of the Triṇayana family: Naravāhana, who came to the notice of the throne of the Calukya rulers.8
XI
Master of the chancellery (śrīkaraṇa), he was a master to the learned as the Master (Br̥haspati) {is a master to the gods}, familiar with all political doctrines (rāja-siddhānta). Surpassing Naravāhana (Kubera) by his manifest glory, he was [known] as Naravāhana.
XII
His virtuous senior son was Elaparāja, eminent in virtue, liberal and self-confident: a god among men who conducted himself according to (the teaching of) Manu and was a bee to the lotus that is the foot of Jinendra.
XIII
His loyal wife was Meṇḍāmbā, devoted to her husband like Sītā and conducting herself according to the observances of the Jina. Honourable and humble, she always distributed alms of food and observed the doctrine (dharma).
XIV
From them were born two famous sons supreme in intellect, deeply versed in all textbooks (śāstra) and weapons. Named Bhīma and Naravāhana, they were well known among the people to be like Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa.
XV
Being similar to Bhīma and Arjuna, equal to the powerful Baladeva and Vāsudeva, and comparable to Nakula and Sahadeva, they became diligent followers of the Jaina doctrine (dharma).
XVI
By the grace of His Majesty King Cālukya-Bhīma (probably II) they obtained the insignia of barony (sāmanta). Their pageantry comprises the śrīdvāra , fluttering chowries and the parasol. Their ¿beneficence? (āsthā) is mightily (uccaiḥ) extensive (vistārika). Their good water jars (karkarī) ¿are to be covered with a thatch of peacock feathers?. They were born as hereditary retainers (mūla)9 of the Cālukyas, possessing gems, elephants and horses, entitled to (the music of?) the kāhalā and so on.
XVII
Their preceptor in Jainism is a guru possessed of all qualities. A disciple of the one named Candrasena, he is Nāthasena, learned in the texts (śāstra), a sage with an initiated mind, praised by (other) sages as Jayasena.10 He is familiar with the doctrine (siddhānta), familiar with the arts, proficient in parasamaya,11 and his conduct is outstanding and praiseworthy. He is truly worthy of [the respect of] lay followers (śrāvaka), ascetics (kṣapaṇaka), good people (sujana), high-level initiates (kṣullaka), monks (ārjya) and nuns (ārjjakā).12

(54–56) These two, Rāja-Bhīma and Naravāhana, have constructed a pair of Jina temples in Vijayavāṭikā for him (Jayasena). For the endowment (dharma) of this (pair of temples), we (Amma II) have granted the village named Pedda-Gāḻidipaṟṟu, converted into divine property (deva-bhoga) by a remission of all taxes.

(56–61) Its boundaries [are as follows]. To the east, a ¿mound? (dūba) in the centre of the Yisupakaṭṭala tank (ceṟuvu) at the verge of the fields of (the village) Maṇḍayūru.13 To the southeast, ¿a cluster of silk-cotton trees? at the triple boundary juncture with (the villages) Ālapaṟṟu and Jūṁṭūru (i.e. Cūṁṭūru). To the south, the Kuṇḍiviḍḍi pond (guṇṭha) on the north of the ¿ancient village site?14 Cūṁṭūru. To the southwest, the temple of Poṭyavva, the village goddess of Cūṁṭūru. To the west, (reṭipaḍumaṭidari). To the northwest, the Gārala pond (guṇṭha) at the verge of the fields of (the village) Valiveru. To the north, a ¿swamp? (paḍuva) (belonging to the village) Tapparāla. To the northeast, the Naḍupani pond (guṇṭha) at the triple boundary juncture with (the villages) Koḍa-Gāḻidipaṟṟu and Valiveru.

XVIII
May the most excellent decree pronounced by the [two] princelings for that purpose (tasya) remain inviolable for a very long time, as well as this respectable decree, which establishes the doctrine of the Jina, [issued] by that Lord of Veṅgī: Ammarāja of honourable fame, the repository of manifest virtues, whose feet are intensely brightened by the jasmine buds in the jewelled tiaras and head wreaths of droves of other rulers awed by his valour.

(64–65) Let no-one pose an obstacle (to the enjoyment of rights) over it. He who does so shall be conjoined with the five great sins. So too Vyāsa has said:

XIX
Many (kings) have granted land, and many have preserved it (as formerly granted). Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit {reward (accrued of granting it)} belongs to him at that time.
XX
He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.
XXI
Over and over again, Rāmabhadra begs all these future rulers: “Each in your own time, you shall respect this bulwark of legality that is universally applicable to kings!”
XXII
Hereby I offer my respectful obeisance (añjali) to [all] future kings on earth, [whether] born in my lineage or a different royal lineage, who with minds averted from sin observe this provision (dharma) of mine in its integrity.

(70–71) The executor (ājñapti) is the castellan (kaṭaka-rāja). Written (likhita) [by] Jayantācārya.

Translation into French by Estienne-Monod 2008

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Plates

I
Lui qui, ayant bandé le grand arc Śārṇga incrusté de joyaux, semble ridiculiser le dieu armé d’un arc-en-ciel qui écarte les sombres cohortes de nuages,15 Viṣṇu, revêtu de la splendeur de Kr̥ṣṇa, qu’il vous accorde la prospérité, lui qui soutient les Trois Mondes !

(2–10) Prospérité ! le roi Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, fils de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyana, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs au sacrifice du cheval, a protégé la contrée de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois ans ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, son frère cadet, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq ans ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize ans ; Le frère cadet de ce dernier, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit ans ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six ans ;

II
Celui qui porte le nom de Narendra Mr̥garāja, qui possède la vaillance d’un lion, le roi Vijayāditya, pendant quarante ans ;16
XI–XII
Le fils de ce dernier, Kali Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant un an et demi ; Son fils Guṇaga Vijayāditya pendant quarante-quatre ans ;
III
Le fils du roi Vikramāditya, frère de ce dernier, qui avait acquis l’éminent statut de prince héritier et la majesté, le roi Cālukya Bhīma, réceptacle de vertus royales et d’une éminente bonne conduite, généreux, * * *17 possédant tout l’éclat de Bhīma,18 par son règne, accéda au statut du Maître des Trente,19 pendant trente ans ;

(15–17) Son fils Kaliyattigaṇḍa Vijayāditya pendant six mois ; Le fils de celui-ci, Ammarāja, pendant sept ans ; Après avoir attaqué son fils Vijayāditya Kaṇtḥika,20 qui avait été sacré roi, et l’avoir chassé alors qu’il était enfant, le roi Tāla dirigea le royaume pendant un mois ; Après avoir tué ce dernier, le fils du roi Cālukya Bhīma, le roi Vikramāditya a protégé la terre pendant onze mois ;

IV
Vijayāditya, seigneur de Veṅgī, nommé Kaliyattigaṇḍa, fut un homme avisé ; Son épouse vertueuse fut Meḻāṁbā ; Son fils, illustre roi, le seigneur Bhīma fut invincible ;
V
Doué de toutes les vertus, à commencer par la sincérité, la générosité,21 la fierté, ayant vaincu au combat Rājamartaṇḍa, qui se montrait féroce, que l’on appelait Mallapa, qu’accompagnait son fils, qui était très puissant, ainsi que d’autres assaillants, lui pareil à Antaka,22 terrifiant pour ses ennemis, destructeur de ces ténèbres que furent les armées puissantes des Rāṣṭrakūṭa, après avoir douze années durant exercé la royauté, il atteignit la grande gloire, partisan23 de la pérennisation du dharma.24
VI
Comme Padmāśrī. fut celle de Viṣṇu, comme la fille du Mont25 celle de Śaṁbhu,26 son épouse couronnée, d’une pureté absolue, que son éclatante beauté rendait notable au royaume de sa famille, les Haihaya, fut Lokāṁbā ; celui-ci eut pour fils, vainqueur des armées ennemies, Ammarāja, seigneur de Veṅgī,27 resplendissant souverain suprême des rois, dont les ennemis, vaincus, de leurs diadèmes polirent les pieds de lotus.
VII
Consacré roi de Veṅgī, ayant vaincu son propre ennemi Vijayāditya,28 qui était en pleine ascension et se montrait capable, qui défia les forces adverses sur le théâtre de maintes batailles, qui portait autour du cou le kaṇṭhika,29 ainsi que l’ensemble de ses co-héritiers qui l’avait attaqué, avec la force de ses bras, divin soleil des Kṣatriya, qui fait le plaisir des lotus par la destruction des ténébres abondantes que sont ses ennemis, resplendit, plein de majesté .
VIII
Dans le but de recréer cet univers tout entier, [d’abord] créé par la Triple Divinité,30 ainsi que lui-même, par lui même, naquit en ce monde, comme rejeton du roi Bhīma, doué de toutes les vertus,31 trésor d’énergie, seigneur des créatures, tout puissant, majestueux, le dieu aux huit manifestations,32 qui engendre les qualités des hommes, dans la personne d’Ammarāja, doué de toutes les vertus,33 trésor d’énergie virile, protecteur de ses sujets, disposant d’une armée supérieure, plein de majesté, inspirateur de la vertu pour son peuple, soumis à nulle autre bannière royale .
IX
Partis au ciel, les monarques d’autrefois, y compris Nala, Nahuṣa, Hariścandra et Rāma, et les autres, ceux-là, que leur gloire, affermie par leur vertus et leur beauté, a rendus célèbres, sont désormais invisibles, celui qui possède une immense renommée, qui, telle une constellation,connaît en ce monde une ascension sans pareille, celui-là, resplendissant souverain suprême des rois, il est vainqueur, Vijayāditya, le divin roi Amma.

(30) Voici la prose :

(30–35) Ce maître de l’univers, Ammarāja, qui porte le fardeau de la terre entière affermie sur son seul bras droit, qui ridiculise les mille replis des rois des serpents34 que sont les grands princes des rois, qu’habitent des richesses éternelles et infinies, il est pareil à Nārāyaṇa qui a pour demeure les replis de l’immortel Ananta, il jouit d’une puissance infinie ; pareil à la lune qui fait briller sa beauté, il fait resplendir la joie ; pareil à l’Aïeul qui a un lotus pour siège,35 il est le siège de la Fortune36 ; propitié par les princes, il est pareil à Giriśa37 propitié par la fille du roi des Monts38 ; offrant un appui à tous les souverains qui viennent lui demander protection comme l’océan offre la sienne à toutes les montagnes venues la lui demander ; possesseur d’une immense richesse, il est pareil au mont Suvarṇa, montagne dorée de l’Orient ; [lui] dont la beauté resplendit, assis sur un trône, éventé par une queue de yack femelle qui accroche la lumière, il est pareil au mont Hima, demeure des lions, où les femelles yacks accrochent la lumière, où les grottes apportent la fraîcheur, dont resplendit la beauté.

(35–39) Lui, refuge de l’univers entier, l’illustre Vijayāditya, roi suprême des grands rois , premier seigneur, illustre seigneur, ayant convoqué tous les chefs de familles habitant la circonscription de Velanāṇḍu, les raṣṭrakūṭa en tête, à tous les feudataires, au surintendant du gynécée, au chapelain, au ministre, au chef des commerçants, au général des armées, à l’intendant du trésor, au ministre de la justice et aux douze dirigeants de monastères, ordonne ceci :

(39) Qu’il soit connu de vous que :

X
Au début est né cet homme illustre, de la grande descendance des Triṇaya, excellent, * * *39 du gotra du nom de Grevya, du fait qu’il siège sur le trône, Naravāhana, célèbre chez les rois Cālukya.
XI
Maître des Śrīkaraṇa, tel le Précepteur,40 précepteur des dieux, il connaissait toute la science des rois Nommé Naravāhana, il humilia Naravāhana41 par sa gloire éclatante.
XII
Son fils aîné, doué de vertus, fut Melaparāja, éminent par ses vertus, généreux, fier, adoptant la conduite de Manu, il fut le dieu des hommes, abeille butinant ces lotus que sont les pieds du Jina.
XIII
Son épouse vertueuse fut Meṇḍāmbā, de même que Sītā était dévouée à son époux, elle adoptait une conduite de dévotion à l’égard du Jina, elle était douée de sincérité et de modestie, elle procurait sans cesse de la nourriture , et soutenait la doctrine.42
XIV
De ceux-ci naquirent deux fils, doués de renommée, d’une suprême intelligence, d’une juste compréhension des théories et de toutes les armes, célèbres sous les noms de Bhīma et de Naravāhana, pareil à Rāma et Lakṣmaṇa dans le monde.
XV
De ceux-ci, qui étaient pareils à Bhīma et Arjuna, semblables aux puissants Baladeva et Vasudeva, et égaux à Nakula et Sahadeva, étaient victorieux, se plaisaient à adopter la conduite des vertueux jaïns.
XVI
Grâce à la compassion de l’illustre roi Cālukya Bhīma, ils avaient obtenu l’insigne de feudataire : portes de la prospérité, ils possédaient le charme d’un joli éventail et d’un joli parasol *** 43 Se tenant sur *** , possédant une jarre que doit recouvrir un voile en plumes de paon, portant le diadème des Cālukya, ***44, ayant des éléphants et des chevaux, ils étaient munis de gros tambours.
XVII
Le précepteur fut le maître jaïn, doué de toutes les qualités, disciple de Candrasena, le sage Nāthasena, qui connaît les traités, célébré par les sages sous le nom de Jayāsena, qui avait purifié son âme, connaisseur de la doctrine, connaisseurs des arts, ayant une connaissance pénétrante des autres doctrines, loué par les hommes de bien pour sa conduite éminente, coupe de vertu aux yeux des Śrāvaka,45 les Kṣapaṇaka,46 Kṣullaka,47 qui sont des gens de bien, et des nobles Ajjaka.48

(54–56) Pour cet homme, Rājabhīma et Naravāhana ont construit deux sanctuaires du Jina à Vijayāvaṭikā, afin de parfaire cet acte pieux,49 nous lui avons fait don du village nommé Peḍḍagāḻiḍipaṟṟu, exempté de toute taxe, en qualité de devabhoga.

(56–61) Les limites de celui-ci sont : à l’est un arbre duba vers le réservoir de Yisu Kaṭṭala, vers le pépier de Maṇḍayuru, au sud-est un arbre būruvu paḍuva au point de jonction de Ālapaṟti et Jūṇṭūru, au sud, l’étang de Kuṇḍiviḍḍi, au nord de l’ancien village de Cūṁṭūru, au sud-ouest, un temple de Potyavva, la divinité de Cūṁṭūru, à l’ouest Reṭipaḍumatiḍari, au nord-ouest, l’étang de Garala vers le pépier de Valiveru, au nord, le paḍuva de Tapparāla, au nord-est, l’étang de Naḍupanu, au point de jonction de Koḍa-Gāḻiḍipaṟṟu et de Valiveru.

XVIII
Que demeure très longtemps inviolable, prononcé par la bouche du roi, l’excellent commandement d’Ammarāja, doué d’une gloire véritable, roi de Veṅgī, réceptacle de vertus immaculées, ce commandement qui préserve l’enseignement du Jina, émis par celui dont les nobles cohortes des autres rois, terrifiés par son héroïsme, illuminent les pieds des jasmins de leurs parures et des couronnes de gemmes ornant leurs diadèmes !

(64–65) Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes. Le bienheureux Vyāsa a dit ceci :

XIX
beaucoup ont donné une terre, beaucoup l’ont protégée, celui qui possède la terre en possède le fruit.
XX
Qu’elle soit donnée par lui ou par un autre, celui qui prend une terre renaît ver de terre dans des excréments pendant soixante mille ans.
XXI
Rāmabhadra demande ceci à tous les princes des rois à venir de la terre, encore et encore : « ce pont du dharma commun aux rois doit toujours être protégé par vous. »
XXII
Qu’il soit de ma lignée ou de la lignée d’autres rois, c’est pour les souverains à venir sur terre qui, l’esprit éloigné du mal, préserveront cette mienne action pieuse2320 dans son intégrité, que j’ai fait cette añjali sur ma tête !

(70–71) L’exécuteur est le kaṭakarāja. Il a été gravé par Jayantācārya.

Commentary

Caesura obscured by sandhi in v3 (sragdharā) a1, v5 (sragdharā) a1 (semivowel), v6 (sragdharā) d2. An actual punctuation mark is used at the first caesura in v5 (sragdharā) d1.

XVI
Stanza 16 mentions several insignia or status symbols to which the grant’s initiators were entitled. The rare term śrīdvāra is found at the head of a list of the status symbols of a minister in line 83 of the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant of Vimalāditya, of a powerful underlord in the Drākṣārāma inscription of Kulottuṅga I (Aiyer [1938] 1933–1934). It is also found in line 48 of the Māṁgallu grant of Amma II, where its context is obscure; it is probably associated with a distinguished subordinate, but there is definitely no list of insignia accompanying the word. The śrīdvāra may be equivalent to, or be a non-royal analogue of, the doorway with Gaṅgā and Yamunā mentioned in the Purāṇic genealogy, and it may also be identical or similar to the makara-toraṇa, another item of the Purāṇic genealogy.
XVI
The sequence of words following śrīdvāra here is quite clear in the plate (see the apparatus to line 49), but the only way I see to making at least partial sense of it is to emend to śrīdvārorvuṁbarāṣṭhīva, involving the words ūru ‘thigh’, umbara ‘threshold’ or possibly ‘lintel’ and aṣṭhīvat, in compound also aṣṭhīva, ‘knee’. I assume that ūru and aṣṭhīva refer to architectonic elements of the śrīdvāra rather than to parts of the human anatomy, but I do not understand how these might be relevant to the context. Further on in the compound, the word pada ‘foot’ may also be involved (and may likewise mean part of a doorway), but the received napada is unintelligible, and the metre does not allow excising the na. Alternatively (with various changes to the emended reading), śrīdvāra may be followed by uru, urvī or aurva, while the next word may be ambara. These words seem even less suitable to the context, and aṣṭhīva seems fairly certain, since ṣṭhīvana ‘spitting, expectoration’ can be eliminated and anything else would require massive emendation.
XVI
The compound continues with fluttering (vilasat) chowries and a parasol or parasols, both of which are frequently featured in lists of insignia. The Drākṣārāma inscription noted above includes chowries, and both the Drākṣārāma inscription and the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant list the parasol (both using the term ātapa-vāraṇa). It is not clear whether the chowries and parasol are simply listed here after the poorly understood other items, or if they are in a more organic relationship (e.g. chowries and parasols might decorate or constitute various parts of the śrīdvāra). All these items are said to comprise the līlā of the donees, which I translate as ‘pageantry’ because it is occasionally used in Eastern Cālukya grants in the sense of the ‘pretend play’ of status symbols surrounding a notable person (compare line 35 of this very inscription, siṁhāsanollāsita-camarī-vāla-vyajana-virājamāna-līlaḥ).
XVI
The brothers are further described as śikhi-ruha-paṭala-cchādya-sat-karkkarīkau. A karkarī is a water jar or pot, probably identical to the karaka listed with the other insignia in the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant and possibly identical to the kalaśa listed as one of the bodily omens of Amma II in a stock verse occurring in multiple charters. I think śikhi-ruha, ‘that which grows on the tailed one (i.e. a peacock)’ must mean peacock feathers. The piñcha, listed in the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant among the insignia of both the minister and the donor king’s dynasty, is probably a peacock feather fan, but the present text does not appear to be speaking about that item. Possibly, some sort of blanket or veil (paṭala) made of peacock feathers may have served as an ornamental cover (chādya) for the karkarī.
XVI
Going on, the donees possess gemstones, elephants and horses, which may simply indicate their wealth or may be part of the description of their pageantry. Finally, they are said to be endowed with the kāhalā and the rest, which probably means that they are entitled to be announced by the sound of a particular musical instrument, perhaps a kind of drum. The kāhaḷā may possibly be the same as the kaḷaha mentioned in a list of royal insignia the Sirūr inscription of the Time of Amoghavarṣa I (Fleet 1902–1903, № E).50 Various instruments, drums and the pañcamahāśabda are frequently featured in lists of royal status symbols . Other frequent items in comparable lists include the śaṅkha and flags, in particular the pāḷidhvaja, which are either missing from the present list, or hidden in the parts that I cannot interpret.

Bibliography

First reported by Robert Sewell (1884, p. 13, № 84). Also reported in ARIE 1908-1909, p. 10, appendices A/1908-1909, № 8 with a description at ARIE 1908-1909, p. 108, § 60. Edited from inked impressions and photos by B. V. Krishna Rao (1937–1938), with photographs of 2v, 4v and the seal, and estampages of 3r, 3v and 4r. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on photographs taken by myself in February 2023 at the Government Museum, Chennai, collated with KR’s edition and his visual documentation where available. In some loci, KR’s visuals are clearer than the new photos, apparently because the cleaning of the plates in the interim has resulted in some loss of detail

Primary

[KR] Krishna Rao, Bhavaraju Venkata. 1937–1938. “Masulipatam plates of Ammaraja II.” Epigraphia Indica 24, pp. 268–278.

Secondary

ARIE 1908-1909. G.O. No. 538, 28th July 1909. Epigraphy. Issuing orders on progress report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, for the year 1908-1909. Edited by V. Venkayya. No place, 1909.

Sewell, Robert. 1884. List of inscriptions, and sketch of the dynasties of southern India. Archaeological Survey of Southern India 2. Madras: Government Press. Page 13, item 84.

Notes

  1. 1. Some parts of this stanza are uncertainly read (see the apparatus to lines 49-50), and several of the clearly legible phrases are difficult to interpret. See also the commentary.
  2. 2. The characters omitted here may have meant “plus eight” or something else. See the apparatus to line 11.
  3. 3. See the apparatus to line 14.
  4. 4. I am not certain of the exact interpretation of this stanza. The general purport is probably close to what I translate here, but some details may have been intended differently by the composer. There are probably some metaphysical allusions or double entendres on top of the primary meaning. At least some of the epithets in pāda c, most notably aṣṭa-mūrti, suggest Śiva, who may thus be signified by trimūrti in pāda a. In the second quarter, sakala-guṇaiḥ may mean “[fashioned] out of all guṇas” in addition to “[endowed] with all virtues”, and guṇa in pāda d may have the same double meaning, so that Ammarāja is said to have both a human being and the guṇas themselves as his generator, in addition to being an inciter of virtue in people.
  5. 5. I find this stanza difficult to interpret, compounded by a legibility problem in the second hemistich, for which see the apparatus to line 29. I believe the composer’s intent would have been much like my interpretation, but this requires some grammatical gymnastics. In the first hemistich, I interpret guṇa-vapur as an adverbial neuter accusative. In the second hemistich, the feminine noun kīrti is compared to the masculine bha-gaṇa, which is rather awkward.
  6. 6. The serpent lord is (or the serpent lords are; compare line 72 of the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant of Vimalāditya) conceived as supporting the earth, but he needs (they need) a thousand hoods for that burden to rest on, while Amma needs only his one arm. Other kings each have their dominions, but Amma dominates the entire earth. The bitextual interpretation would be smoother with a small emendation, upahāsi to upahāsī, so that it is Amma himself who ridicules or scoffs at these rivals, and not his arm.
  7. 7. The list of officials is open to different interpretations. I assume that “who reside in Velanāṇḍu district” does not apply to these people, since most of them may be members of the royal court or, in the case of sāmantas, countrywide administration. But it is also possible that all of these are to be understood on a local level. It is also not certain which, if any, of these titles are to be understood in the singular. It is quite certain that several sāmantas were intended and that only one purohita, namely the royal one, was meant. But most titles may refer to a single person in the royal court or several people holding a title on a local level. Finally, some of the terms used here may not be separate titles. It is thus possible that mahāmātra is to be construed as part of a compound title antaḥpura-mahāmātra rather than as a reference to the eighteen dignitaries (Arthaśāstra 12.6). Similarly, the twelve sthānādhipatis may be a collective name for the officials listed here (along with some others), rather than an additional group.
  8. 8. The details of this stanza are problematic; see also the apparatus to line 40. The interpretation “in the gotra” requires emending the text. KR comments that this Naravāhana “enjoyed the privilege and honour of sitting on siṁhāsana”, but I find this unlikely and difficult to obtain from the text.
  9. 9. The compound /cālukya-mūlau/ may be interpreted as “ones who have their roots in the Cālukya [dynasty]”, i.e. are dependents on the royal dynasty for support and nourishment. The word /mūla/ may in fact mean ‘hereditary servant’ (Monier-Williams 1899, s.v. mūla), but no actual attestation of this meaning is known.
  10. 10. The syntax of the first half of this stanza is not clear. I translate the text as presumably interpreted by KR, since a few small emendations result in correct if cumbersome Sanskrit text with this meaning. However, the repeated use of the ending -oḥ seems to be deliberate (perhaps intended as a dual?), and we are left with a guru who has two names. The composer may have had in mind one of several alternative scenarios, all of which involve more serious syntactical errors. There may be three generations of teachers: “Their preceptor in Jainism is a guru possessed of all qualities. He is the sage Jayasena, praised by (other) sages, whose mind was initiated by the learned Nāthasena [or: the two learned Nāthasenas?], who had been the disciple[s] of the one named Candrasena.” Or, there may be two gurus: “Their preceptors in Jainism, learned in the texts, are the two disciples of a guru possessed of all qualities named Candrasena: [namely] Nāthasena and Jayasena of an initated mind, praised by (other) sages.” As a further variant, Candrasena may have been the preceptor of Nāthasena alone, while Jayasena may have had no teacher worth mentioning. Given that we have two brothers and two temples, it would be logical to assume two gurus, but the next stanza clearly speaks about one person, and so does the prose in line 54.
  11. 11. As a Jaina technical term, parasamaya may apparently mean either “other doctrines” (in which case proficiency probably implies the ability to debate with them), or the non-liberated state of the soul (in which case this probably means that the master was also proficient in worldly matters). KR says in his commentary that “his soul became absorbed in the non-self for the liberation of mankind from bondage”, but I cannot judge whether this explanation is legitimate.
  12. 12. The translations given for the Jaina technical terms here may be inaccurate. KR provides some further explanation, obtained from Pandit Ajit Prasad of Lucknow. His editor in a footnote objects to seeing the last word as ārjjakā, Sanskrit āryakā, and would prefer ajjaka, Sanskrit āryaka, but gives neither a reason for this, nor an interpretation of the preceding word ārjya as distinct from his proposed āryaka.
  13. 13. Here and below, I translate the Telugu on the basis of the commentary by KR and a smattering of words picked up from related inscriptions, without any claim to authority or correctness.
  14. 14. Perhaps rather, “of the boundary village”?
  15. 15. Indra.
  16. 16. Même durée de règne in inscription n°47.
  17. 17. L’éditeur précise que ces lettres ne sont pas lisibles.
  18. 18. ou : un éclat terrible.
  19. 19. Indra.
  20. 20. ou : qui avait été sacré roi par droit de succession. Ce mot apparaît dans d’autre inscription pour désigner le même roi.
  21. 21. ou : renoncement, terme volontairement ambigu qui suggère à la fois une attitude désintéressée et libérale.
  22. 22. La Mort.
  23. 23. Le terme « varga » dans ce contexte désigne ce qui appartient à un groupe, ce qui est partisan du dharma. Une seconde interprétation, non pertinente, serait « qui brise le dharma ».
  24. 24. ou : brisant par sa mort la pérénité du dharma.
  25. 25. Pārvatī.
  26. 26. Śiva.
  27. 27. Correct. pour veṅgi
  28. 28. Nous ignorons qui est ce personnage, il apparaît pour la première fois dans ce corpus.
  29. 29. Le collier du yuvarāja, du prince héritier.
  30. 30. Brahma, Viṣṇu et Śiva.
  31. 31. Dans ce pāda (b), le terme guṇa- renvoie aux attributs des 5 éléments : śabda, sparśa, rasa, rūpa et gandha. Il désigne aussi les 6 modes d’action du roi. (Arthś., VII, 1 et sqq.)
  32. 32. Śiva.
  33. 33. Dans ce pāda, (d), le terme guṇa- désigne les 3 qualités de la prakr̥ti : sattva, rajas, tamas. Cette signification s’applique à l’acte créateur de Śiva. Mais ce terme désigne aussi les vertus d’Ammarāja, avatar du dieu. Le śleṣa repose sur un double contexte référentiel : le roi et Śiva. Ainsi tous les qualificatifs de ce pāda peuvent aussi s’appliquer au dieu : tejorāśi- est une des ses épiclèses comme sa-pratāpa- (= pratāpavat-) et prajānāṁ pati- ( = prajāpati-).
  34. 34. Ananta, qui porte la terre.
  35. 35. Brahma assis sur le lotus.
  36. 36. La fortune.
  37. 37. Le roi des montagnes.
  38. 38. Pārvatī.
  39. 39. Ce passage n’a pu être restitué par l’éditeur.
  40. 40. Br̥haspati.
  41. 41. Kubera.
  42. 42. Devoir des laïcs, référence à la foi jaïne.
  43. 43. Ce passage n’a pu être restitué par l’éditeur.
  44. 44. Ce passage n’a pu être restitué par l’éditeur.
  45. 45. Laïcs jaïns.
  46. 46. Praticiens du jaïnisme.
  47. 47. Catégories de moines jaïns qui ne sont pas entièrement ordonnés.
  48. 48. Religieux pleinement ordonnés.
  49. 49. Traduction du mot dharma qui prend dans ce contexte le sens d’action pieuse ou de donation.
  50. 50. Fleet interprets kaḷaha as kalaha, meaning ‘war conch’ with śaṅkha following it in the compound.