Charter of Pucangan (1041-11-6)
Editors: Arlo Griffiths, Eko Bastiawan, Csaba Dezsö.
Identifier: DHARMA_INSIDENKPucangan.
Hand description:
Languages: Old Javanese, Sanskrit.
Repository: Nusantara Epigraphy (tfc-nusantara-epigraphy).
Version: (20bd983), last modified (e0c683b).
Edition
⟨Face A: Sanskrit Text⟩ ⟨A1⟩ || ◯ || svasti ||
I. Āryā
tribhir api guṇair upeto nr̥ṇāv vidhāne sthitau tathā pralaye
abA-guṇa Iti yaḥ prasiddhas tasmai dhātre namas satatam· ⊙
cdII. Āryā
A-gaṇita-vikrama-guruṇā praṇamya-māna⟨A2⟩s surādhipena sadā
ab[A](p)[i] yas trivikrama Iti prathito loke namas tasmai ⊙
cdIII. Āryā
yas sthāṇur apy ati-tarāy ya¿v?⟨th⟩epsitārtha-prado guṇair jagatām·
abkalpa-drumam atanum adhaḥ karoti tasmai śivāya ⟨A3⟩ namaḥ ⊙ || ⊙
cdIV. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
kīrtyākhaṇḍitayātayā karuṇayā yas strī-paratvan dadhac
acāpākarṣaṇataś ca yaḥ praṇihitan tībraṅ kalaṅkaṅ kare
byaś cāsac-carite parāṅ-mukhatayā śūro raṇe bhīrutāṁ
csvair doṣān bhajate gu⟨A4⟩ṇais sa jayatād erlaṅga-nāmā nr̥paḥ ⊙
dV. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
Āsīn nirjita-bhūri-bhū-dhara-gaṇo bhū-pāla-cūḍā-maṇiḥ
aprakhyāto bhuvana-traye ’pi mahatā śauryyeṇa siṁhopamaḥ
byenorvī suciran dhr̥tāmita-phalā la⟨A5⟩kṣmīś ca no gatvarī
csa śrī-kīrti-valānvito yava-patiś śrīśāna-tuṅgāhvayaḥ ⊙
dVI. Vasantatilakā
tasyātma-jākaluṣa-mānasa-vāsa-ramyā
ahaṁsī yathā sugata-pakṣa-sadāvavaddhā
bsā rājahaṁsa-mudam eva vivarddhaya⟨A6⟩ntī
cśrīśānatuṅga-vijayeti rarāja rājñī ⊙
dVII. Vasantatilakā
mandākinīm iva tadātma-samāṁ samr̥ddhyā
akṣīrārṇavaḥ prathita-śuddhi-guṇāntarātmā
btāñ cākarot praṇayinīn nayanābhinandī
cśrī-loka-pāla-nr̥patir nara-nātha-nā⟨A7⟩gaḥ ⊙
dVIII. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
tasmāt prādur abhūt prabhāva-vibhavo bhū-bhūṣaṇodbhūtaye
abhūtānām bhava-bhāvanodyata-dhiyām bhām bhāvayan bhūtibhiḥ
bĀbhiś cāpratima-prabhābhir abhayo bhāsvān ivābhyudyataś
cśatrūṇām ibha-kumbha-kumbha- ⟨A8⟩ dalane putraḥ prabhur bhū-bhujām· ⊙
dIX. Āryā
śrī-makuṭa-vaṅśa-varddhana Iti pratīto nr̥ṇām anupamendraḥ
aśrīśāna-vaṅśa-tapanas tatāpa śa(t)r(ū)n pratāpena ⊙
bX. Vasantatilakā
tasyādhipasya duhitātimanojña-rupā
amūrteva rā⟨A9⟩ja-guṇato yava-rāja-lakṣmīḥ
bdvīpāntare ’pi subhagena babhūva pitrā
cnāmnā kr̥tā khalu guṇa-priya-dharmma-patnī ⊙
dXI. Vasantatilakā
Āsīd asāv api viśiṣṭa-viśuddha-janmā
arājānvayād udayanaḥ prathitāt prajātaḥ
btāṁ śrī⟨A10⟩matīv vidhivad eva mahendra-dattāv
cvyaktāhvayo nr̥pa-sutām upayacchate sma ⊙
dXII. Vasantatilakā
śreṣṭhaḥ prajāsu sakalāsu kalābhirāmo
arāmo yathā daśarathāt svaguṇair garīyān·
bsambhāvitonnata-gatir ma⟨A11⟩hasā munīndrair
cerlaṅga-deva Iti divya-sutas tato ’bhūt· ⊙
dXIII. Vasantatilakā
śrī-dharmma-vaṁśa Iti pūrva-yavādhipena
asambandhinā guṇa-gaṇa-śra(va)ṇotsukena
bĀhūya sādaram asau sva-sutā-vivāhan
cdrāk sarvathā ⟨A12⟩ prathita-kīrttir abhūn mahātmā ⊙
dXIV. Mañjubhāṣiṇī
Atha bhasmasād abhavad āśu tat-puram
apuru-hūta-rāṣṭram iva – dya – ⏑ –
bkalinā khalena khalu kiṅkarair vinā
csa narottamena sahito vanāny agāt· ⊙
dXV. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
śākendre śaśa-lāñchanā⟨A13⟩[bdhi]-vadane yāte mahā-vatsare
amāghe māsi sita-trayodaśa-tithau vāre śaśiny utsukaiḥ
bĀgatya praṇatair janair dvija-varais s(āśvā)sam abhyarthitaś
cśrī-lokeśvara-nīralaṅga-nr̥patiḥ (pā)⟨A14⟩hīty apātāṅ kṣitim· ⊙
dXVI. Vasantatilakā
samrājya-dīkṣitam iman nr̥patin niśamya
aśakty(ā) jitāri-nikaran nivaho ripūṇām·
bAdyāpi tad-bhuja-bhujaṅga-talasya śaśvad
cabhyasyatīha (capa)latvam abhūta-pūrvvam· ⟨A15⟩ ⊙
dXVII. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
bhūyāṁso yava-bhū-bhujo bubhujire pr̥thvīv vipakṣe ’rthinas
asāmarthyān nr̥pa-janmano na bubhujus taj(jā) narendrāsane
bkintu śrī-jalalaṅga-deva-nr̥patir vaṁśyo ’dhirājāgraṇīr
cbhobhuṅkte sa bhu⟨A16⟩[na]kti kevalam arin dvandvam bhraman bhūtale ⊙
dXVIII. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
bhū-bhr̥n-mastaka-digdha-pāda-yugalas siṁhāsane saṁsthito
amantrālaucana-tat-parair ahar-ahas sambhāṣito mantribhiḥ
bbhāsvadbhir lalanānvi⟨A17⟩to niviśate vīraiḥ parīto bhr̥śaṁ
cjyotis tasya parājaye vijayavac citrīyate santatam· ⊙
d— enāsya / — air asya / — bhir yasya
eXIX. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
putrān mām ativatsalo ’pi sahasā tyaktvā madīyaḥ patis
asvarga-strī-gamano ⟨A18⟩ ⏑ – ⏑ ⏑ ⏑ to h/py ājñā-vidheyas tava
bkhyātas tvam bhuvane dayālu-hr̥daya(ḥ stai)nyā pravr̥ttiḥ kathaṁ
chā rājan· kva kr̥pety arer vanitayā rājāpy upālabhyate ⊙
dXX. Vasantatilakā
kaś cin mumukṣu-pa ⟨A19⟩ ⏑ – ⏑ ⏑ – ⏑ – –
a– vāptaye dhana-malāni mahān arātiḥ
bkaś cit tri-viṣṭapa-mukhān nr̥-varasya mantrān
csamprāpya śiṣya Iva tena kr̥tas sa Āsīt· ⊙
dXXI. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
tuṅgāsau bhuvana-traya⟨A20⟩sya maha – – – ⏑ – – ⏑so
akiṁ bandhāna cikīrṣayā kṣa ⏑ ⏑ – ṅ kiṁ tadyutesterasaḥ
bkiṅ krīḍā-rasa-lipsayā rabhasuyā yasyo(ddha)tiḥ kīrttitā
ckīrttiḥ śuddhi-karīndra⟨A21⟩dā dhavala – – mānyate ’har-niśam· ⊙
dXXII. Vasantatilakā
Indro [na]reṣu [mati]-vāk-cariteṣu [dha]rmmo
avaśyeṣu (pāśa)bhr̥d asau dhana-do ’rthi-sārthe
bsaṁhr̥tya hanta [nr̥pa]-r(ā)d iti loka-pālān
ce⟨A22⟩ko bahum pra ⏑ ⏑ – v vriyate sma dhātrā ⊙
dXXIII. Vasantatilakā
Āsīn (n)r̥p(o) ⏑ ⏑ purī-pralayaṁ sa – –
aviṣṇu-prabhāva iti tasya suto mahātmā
b(tañ ca)ndra-bhūta-vadane śaka-rā⟨A23⟩ja-varṣa
cEkādaśī ⏑ daka – cu ⏑ phalguṇe (v)ā(n)· ⊙
dXXIV. Vasantatilakā
Anyaś ca kaś cid adhamaḥ parudābhidhānas
asākṣād daśānana Ivāvyathayaj jaganti
b– – ⏑ – sya ⏑ ⏑ – ⏑ ⏑ – ⟨A24⟩ narendro
c(rā)mātviramya-ca(ri)to nyavadhīt tam āśu ⊙
dXXV. Pr̥thvī
tataś ca tad-anantaran nr̥pa-sutañ jigīṣu(r ga)tas
atad-ālayam aśeṣam eva sahasābhyadhākṣīn nr̥paḥ
bpunaḥ punar athāgni-bhū ⟨A25⟩ ta-vadane śakābde gate
c(varo) nara-patis tadīya-nagarāṇy adandahyata ⊙
dXXVI. Mālinī
Abhavad api bhuvi strī rākṣasīvogra-vīryyā
avyapagata-bhayam asyās saṅkaṭāṅ gām ayāsī⟨A26⟩t·
bjala-nidhi-śara-randhre śāka-samvatsare ’smin·
cnr̥patir abhinad e[tān tat-kṣa]ṇaṅ khyāta-kīrttiḥ ⊙
dXXVII. Mālinī
jvalana Iva narendro lelihāno dahat tān
adiśam adhikam a(ja)yyān dakṣiṇān da⟨A27⟩kṣiṇatvāt·
bdhanam atibahu labdhvā tac ca datvātmabhr̥tye
cdvijapatimunisaṅghe kīrttim evāharat saḥ ⊙
dXXVIII. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
mānitvād atha śailabhūtalapane śākendravarṣe gate
abhadre ⟨A28⟩ māsi sitatrayodaśatitho vāre budhe pāvane
budyuktair balibhir balair agaṇitair gatvā diśam paścimāṁ
crājānav vijayāhvayaṁ samajayad rājā jagatpūjitaḥ ⊙
dXXIX. Mālinī
[A]tha mu(kha)⟨A29⟩(śa)rarandhre śākavarṣe ṣṭamākhye
asuragurusitipakṣe kārtike māsi tasmin·
bnijabalanigr̥hīto vaiṣṇuguptair upāyais
csapadi vijayavarm(m)ā pārthivo dyām aga⟨A30⟩cchat· ⊙
dXXX. Mālinī
m(ukha)-śara-vivarākhye śāka-rājasya varṣe
ahata-śaśi-guru-vāre kārtike pañcadaśyām·
bripu-śirasi mahātmā śrī-yava-dvīpa-rājo
cjayati nihita-pād⟨A31⟩o ratna-siṁhāsana-sthaḥ ⊙
dXXXI. Vasantatilakā
pūrvvādi-dig-vijayinaṁ hata-sarvva-śatrum
aekāta-patram avaner jalalaṅga-devam·
bnānyan nirīkṣitum alaṁ subhujopapīḍaṅ
cgāḍham pariṣvajati sa⟨A32⟩mprati rāja-lakṣmīḥ ⊙
dXXXII. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
[nirjityātha ripūn parākrama-dhanāc chau[r]yyair upāyair api]
a[śaktyākhaṇḍita]yā khalu bratitayā vā devatārādhanaiḥ
brantuñ jāta-mahā-(kra/śra)mas sa ⟨A33⟩ [kurute puṇyāśramaṁ śrīmataḥ]
c[pārśve pūgavato girer nara-patiś śrī-nīralaṅgāhvayaḥ] ⊙
dXXXIII. Sragdharā
śr̥ṇvanto rājakīyāśramam asamam iman nandanodyāna-deśyaṅ
agaccha⟨A34⟩[ntas santatan te py ahamahamikayā vismayālolanetr¿ā?⟨aḥ⟩]
b[mālābhiprīti-kārās] stuti-mukharamukhā mukhyam enan nr̥pāṇām
cmānīnam manyamānā manum iva mahasā ⟨A35⟩ mānanīyav vruvanti ⊙
dXXXIV. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
[sādhūnām pathi yātu paura-samitir dharmyā gatir ma]ntriṇām
abhūyād bhūta-hiteṣiṇo muni-janā Itthan na me prārthanā
byasmiñ jīvati rājñi ra⟨A36⟩[kṣati bhuvan dharmeṇa siddhyanti te]
c[tasmāc chrī-jala]laṅga-deva-nr̥-patir dīrghaṁ sa jīvyād iti ⊙ // ⊙
d⟨Face B: Old Javanese Text⟩ ⟨B1⟩ || ◯ || svasti śaka-varṣātīta 963 kārtika-māsa, tithi daśamī śukla-pakṣa, ha, va‚ śu, vāra vayaṁ-vayaṁ, caragraha bāyabyastha, Uttarabhadravā⟨da⟩-nakṣatra, Ahirbudhna-devatā, bajrayoga, gara(ḍ)i-[ka]⟨B2⟩raṇa, bāruṇya-maṇḍala,
Irikā divaśany ājñā śrī mahārāja rakai halu śrī lokeśvara dharmmavaṅśa Airlaṅgānantavikramottuṅgadeva, tinaḍaḥ rakryān· mahāmantrī I hino śrī samaravijaya {dha}⟨B3⟩{ma} suparṇa(vā)haṇa tguh uttuṅgadeva, (Um)iṅ(so)r· I rakryān· kanuruhan· pu dharmmamūrtti (naro)ttama dānaśūra (k)umo(nak)ə(n) i(kana)ṁ ri pucaṅan·, Iṁ barahəm·, Iṁ bapuri, lmaḥniṁ varggāpi(ṅhe) ⟦[8+]⟧ ⟨B4⟩ ⟦[32+]⟧ susukən·, mapaknā pa(ṅ)adəganani dharmma karṣyan· śrī mahārāja,
sambandha, A[n·] ⟨B5⟩ hana Iṣṭaprārthanā śrī mahārāja ri kālaniṁ pralaya riṁ yavadvīpa, (I)[r]i[kā]ṁ [śaka]k[āla] 939 ri pra(hāra) haji vura(va)ri An· vijil· saṅke lva rām·, Ekărṇava rŭpanikāṁ sayavadvīpa rikāṁ kā⟨B6⟩la, Akveḥ sira vvaṁ mahāviśeṣa pjaḥ, karuhun· An· samaṅkana divaśa śrī mahārāja devatā pjaḥ lumāḥ ri saṁ hyaṁ dharmma parhyaṅan i vvatan·, riṁ cetra-māsa, śaka-kāla 939 sḍaṁ vāla⟨B7⟩ka śrī mahārāja Irikāṁ kāla, prasiddha na[m] blas· (tah)un· vayaḥnira, tapvan· dahat· kr̥ta-pariśramanireṁ saṁgrāma, makahet(u) rarainira, tapvan enāk· baṅətni denira rumə⟨B8⟩gəp· pasarikəpany āyudhanira, kunaṁ ri sākṣāt(n)niran· viṣṇumūrt(t)i, rinakṣaniṁ sarbvadevata, Inahākən tan ilva kavaśa deni paṅava(śaniṁ) mahāpralaya, maṅantīri himbaṁniṁ vanagiri, ma⟨B9⟩kasambhāsana saṁ tāpaśa suddhācāra, meriṁ lāvan· hulunira saṅ ek(ā)ntapratipatti manaḥniran· (dāśabhū)ta-tanŭpacāran· bhaktiprahva ri lbūni pāduka śrī mahārāja, pu narottama, ⟨B10⟩ saṁjñānira, sirādini h(u)l[u]n· śrī mahārāja Ati¡sayeṁ!⟨śayeṅ⟩ dr̥ḍabhakti, tumūt tan sāḥ I saparān· śrī mahārāja, milu valkaladhara pinakarovaṁ śrī mahārāja makāhāra sāhā⟨B11⟩ra saṁ bhikṣuka vanaprastha, tātan· vismr̥¿d?⟨t⟩i śrī mahārāja ri kārādhanan· bhaṭāra riṅ ahorātra, nimittani mahābhāranyāsiḥniṁ sarbvadevata I śrī mahārāja, An· sira pi⟨B12⟩nratyayaniṁ sarbvadevata (ka)lpapādapa Umə:bana bhuvana, kumaliliranaṁ kulit kaki, makadrabyaṁ rājalakṣmī, muvahakna sāśvatā(niṁ) rāt·, munarjīvāknaṁ saṁ hyaṁ sarvvadharmma ⟨B13⟩ humariṣṭākna hanituniṁ bhuvana, maṁkanābhamataniṁ sarbva(devata) I śrī mahārāja,
huvus ta śrī mahārāja kr̥tasaṁskāra, pratiṣṭa riṁ siṅhāsana, mvaṁ An· kapadasthāniṁ pituṁ śrī ma⟨B14⟩hārāja haji devatā saṁ lumāḥ riṅ īśānabajra Ikanaṁ halu pinaka(ka)padasthān· śrī mahārāja, mataṅyan· rakai halu śrī lokeśvara dharmmavaṅśa Airla(ṅgā)nantavikram⟨B15⟩ottuṅgadeva saṁjñā kāstvan· śrī mahārāja, de mpuṅku sogata maheśvara mahābrāhmaṇa Irikāṁ śakakāla 941 (tā)tan· pahī(ṅan de) śrī mahārāja (luma)risakə⟨B16⟩n· sābhamataniṁ sarbvadevatā I sira, kapva kakal(imbaṅ ikaṁ) kriyā vāhyāntara denira, tan· kasalimur i kadamlaniṁ pūjā, [3+] prāyaścitta [6+] (ma)hābhā⟨B17⟩raniṁ kasiṅhe(śva)ranira, marava(śā)k(ə)n· sakveḥnik(āṁ ka)la(ṅka) satumuvuh i [2+] hyaṁ, sap(i)nakahani(t)uniṁ yavadvīpa, pra(bheda) [4+] dru(ha)[6+]⟨B18⟩ṅ inaranan· si (śuvuka)l·, (man)tu (ha)j(ī)nadgakn (iṁ) ka(ṭ)ula mvaṁ si la(ḍ)iṁ, nirava(ś)eṣa I [1+] (tta) s(ama) [2+] (n)ya de śrī mahārāja, ṅuni-ṅuni haji tṅaḥ [7+] sapuluḥ ⟨B19⟩ tahun· An· paṁ(di)ri, pinakarovaṁ mad(v)andva yuddhaca(kra) [10+] (vv)at· pinja(han iṁ) vaṅuntur· mvaṁ saṅ ibu Irikāṁ śakakāla 95(1) [5+] lumampaḥ ⟨B20⟩ ta śrī mahārāja dumon ikāṁ parad[āra]putra hyaṁ ma(ṅ)ṅadg (i v)uru tum(u)ṁgal (i) maddhyadeśaniṁ vurahan·, Atiśayeṁ mahābalapa(rākrama) sumorakən haji vəṅkər· ⟨B21⟩ saṅa ta ha(jy a)n· pahaR̥p=haR̥pan· mvaṁ haji vaṅk(ə)r·, kavnaṅ ata Ikā (de) śrī mahārāja I(rikāṁ śaka)kāla 952 mvaṁ tinuluy (hani)hanitu[n]i [8+] tu⟨B22⟩miṅgalakən karājyanira (m)uvah akaḍatvan i L̥ca, tin(ū)tnikāṁ deśa galuḥ m(v)aṁ deśa barat·, A(n)· tinkān· sināhasan irikāṁ śakakāla 9(5)[3] [d]e (śrī) mahārā⟨B23⟩ja, muvaḥ hana ta putra [haji] vaṅ[ka]r· ma(ṅ)adg i vur(u rt)u p(j)aḥ Ata Ikā de śrī mahārāja Irikāṁ śakakāla 954 sahanani vargga la(ṁ)ḍiṁ rāk·, mvaṁ hiR̥ṁ-hiR̥ṅan(·), (Iṁ) ⟨B24⟩ maṁd(on·,) lāvan· sahananikāṁ makira-(k)i(rāpā)yāmutra hyaṅ amana(ḥnya) [8+] d[e] śrī mahārāja, haji vura(va)ri tuvi śrī mahārāja Ata maka⟨B25⟩puruṣa(kā)ra kahilaṁnira, (U)saṁ[ṅ-u]saṁ śrī mahārāja mvaṁ rakryān· kanuruhan· pu narottama, rakryān· kuniṅan pu nīti, ri kāla śrī mahārāja hane magəṁ ha ⟨B26⟩ [2+] h(ī)ṅa(nyan·) śrī mahārāja [sa](ṅka)ni hilaṁniṁ sahanani han(i)ihanituniṁ yavadvīpa, kunaṁ kramani kahilaṁ haji vəṅkər· de śrī mahārāja, [mū]la kaḍatvani(ra) ri ka⟨B27⟩paṁ sira naṁ pratiniyata hinārohara deśanirāṅkən· Asujimāsa de śrī mahārāja, muvaḥ Irikāṁ śakakāla 95[7]7 [vvay a]ta, samaṁkana (ta)ta sirar kapa⟨B28⟩rājaya ri kapaṁ de śrī mahārāja, sirāmriḥ manusup amet· deśa durgga, matiṅgal· tanaya dāra t[ka riṁ rājadrabya rājavāha]na prakāra, ri kahləma⟨B29⟩nya Irikāṁ śakakāla 959 vaR̥gg anusup· haji ri kapaṁ mvaṁ balanira samāsiḥ ri sira, kavnaṁ ta sira ri sa[rasa ratu] [1+] [vani pa] [1+] [paṅan·], ha [3+] pinakata⟨B30⟩pakan· (t)aṇḍasnira de śrī mahārāja Ar paliṅgiḥ moḍo(ḍa) [ri siṅhāsa](na),
sampun· saṁkṣipta ta Ikāṁ pralaya [ri yava](dvīpa)[, mat]l[asan ikā] saṁgrāma, ta ⟨B31⟩ n (hana) [saṅśa]yani manaḥnikāṁ rāt· An· (p)paṅəb· maka¡pārāyana!⟨parāyaṇa⟩ (c)chā[yā]ni pāduka śrī mahārāja, mataṅ yar siddh[ākən·] [pratijñānira,] [madaməl]· yaśa pa⟨B32⟩tap[ān iṁ] pucaṅan· Inusa[n·-U]san· raghu, yāṅkən· mantras(t)avanamaskāra śrī mahārāja ri bhaṭāra sāri-sāri, mvaṁ paṁ[liṅgānanikāṁ] [rāt·, karuhun saṅ an]ā⟨B33⟩gataprabhu hlam i dlāhaniṁ dlāha, ri kramani de śrī mahārāja munarjīvākən· sāśvatāniṁ [sa]ya[vadv]ī[pa,] [Āpan· saṅ anādi prabhu sakveḥnira sinivi riṁ] ⟨B34⟩ yavadvīpa, ka [3+] sa(dbhāva) [12+] han denira, t(kā)maṅgiḥ hay[unira] [kabeḥ riṅ anādi, tātan· maṅkana śrī mahārāja] [1+] ⟨B35⟩ (s)ya(n)iṁ [26+] [nira mvaṁ] [abhimata] [śrī mahārāja mayva] ⟨B36⟩ (th)ā(n)i [vat]ə[k]· [7+] (maṅaran i) h(i)no(,) [1+] dr̥bya haji mā su 1 [2+] ni [20+] [nikāṁ] ⟨B37⟩ [yaśa patapān]· I pucaṅan·, mantən· ta Ikāṁ lmaḥ ri pucaṅan·, I barahə[m·, I bapuri] [26+] ⟨B38⟩ ya [10+]· saṁ hyaṁ yaśa patapān i pucaṅan· [[tan katamāna deniṁ]] [vinava saṁ māna [katrīṇi,]] [pa]⟨B39⟩[ṅkur·, tavan·, tiri]p·, mvaṁ (saṁ nāyaka)pratya[ya], piṅhai vahuta rāma, mvaṁ sakveḥ [saṁ maṅilala drabya haji m] [4+] [su]⟨B40⟩[khaduḥkha,] [sakve]ḥ lviranya [6+] [sahīṅani lma]ḥ saṁ hyaṁ yaśa pa[tapān i pucaṅan·] [8+] ⟨B41⟩ […] [[saṁ maṅilāla] drabya haji vulu-vulu mvaṁ] […] ⟨B42⟩ [siṅ ata lviranya,] [luməbu][ra] [2+] [saṁ hyaṁ yaśa patapān] i pucaṅan·, [yan· brāhmaṇa kṣatriya veśya, sudra, caṇḍāla, nāyaka, partyaya,] ⟨B43⟩ piṅhai va[huta rāma] [14+] [umulah-u]laha kaśva[tantrān· saṁ hyaṁ dharmma patapān i pucaṅan· mvaṁ sahīṅaniṁ lmaḥni] ⟨B44⟩ [1+] nanira [I hino] [6+] [saṁ hyaṁ yaśa patapān·, jaḥ tasmāt· kabvatkarmmāknanya, [bhukt]inira [pañca]mahā]⟨B45⟩pātaka […] [citralekha I pāduka śrī mahārāja] […] [sira] […] ⟨B46⟩ saṁ hyaṅ ājñā [haji praśāsti]
Apparatus
⟨A1⟩ nr̥ṇāv vidhāne • One expects nr̥ṇāṁ vidhāne. Of this idiosyncratic sandhi, of which several more examples will follow below, we have seen one other instance in the Campā inscription C. 167, st. IV (§1.3). See also Kern’s remark (1917:87). ALSO BAN NAXONE LAOS
⟨A2⟩ [A](p)[i] ⬦ (A)pi K • In fact only a part of the p is actually visible, but the shape of the lacuna certainly allows conjecturing Api. — ⟨A2⟩ yas sthāṇur ⬦ ya sthāṇur K. — ⟨A2⟩ atitarāy • Norm. atitarāṁ. For this idiosyncratic sandhi see our note on nr̥ṇāv vidhāne in pāda b of stanza I. — ⟨A2⟩ ya¿v?⟨th⟩epsitārtha- ⬦ yathepsitārtha- K • The akṣara in question quite clearly seems to be v and not th, but the two akṣaras are very similar and the latter was almost certainly intended, so we translate yathepsita-.
⟨A3⟩ °tayā ⬦ dhiyā K • The reading included in Crawfurd 1816 seems to be kayā at this place.
⟨A5⟩ lakṣmīś ca no gatvarī ⬦ lakṣmīn dadhau gatvarī K • We initially read dorgatvarī, because something that resembles a repha/layar seems discernible above the ga, but we are unable to come up with any justification for why the author would have invented a unique expression ‘going from the arms’ or ‘going from arm to arm’ to mean ‘fickle’. It is more likely that he used no, a metrically conditioned equivalent of the negation na (cf Raghuvaṁśa 11.60: diśo no babhūvur avalokanakṣamāḥ). For gatvarī as an attribute of śrī (meaning ‘riches’ in this case), see Kirātārjunīya 11.21: abhidroheṇa bhūtānām arjayan gatvarīḥ śriyaḥ ‘The man who amasses transient wealth by injuring creatures…’ (tr. Peterson). — ⟨A5⟩ sadāvavaddhā ⬦ sahābhavadyā K. — ⟨A5⟩ mudam K • The reading sudam in Kern 1917 is a misrepresentation of the original Devanāgarī edition.
⟨A7⟩ -vibhavo ⬦ -vi(śa)do K. — ⟨A7⟩ -dhiyām bhām bhāvayan K ⬦ -dhiyā kṣmām bhāvayan K. — ⟨A7⟩ Ābhiś K ⬦ śauriś K.
⟨A8⟩ śa(t)r(ū)n ⬦ śubhram K. — ⟨A8⟩ -rupā K ⬦ -rūpā K • It seems impossible to read here the metrically required long vowel ū. See another case of rūpa spelt rupa in line 5 of face B.
⟨A9⟩ rāja- ⬦ bhāva (?) K.
⟨A10⟩ mahendradattāv • Regarding the idiosyncratic sandhi, see our note on nr̥ṇāv vidhāne in pāda b of stanza I.
⟨A12⟩ -rāṣṭram iva – dya – ⏑ – ⬦ -rāṣṭram iva mudyutaṁ ciraṁ (?) K; -rāṣṭram avasādya taṁ ciram· P • We have considered several possibilities to complete this line but none of them seemed satisfactory, e.g. -m iva madyavādhitaṁ, ‘afflicted by intoxicating drinks’ (for another instance of writing v instead of b see stanza V. -valānvito, and stanza VI. sadāvavaddhā), -m iva māndyasāditaṁ, ‘destroyed by indolence’, -mavasādya pārthivaḥ, ‘having ruined it, the king’, etc. Arjunavivāha 1.3 might possible be related to this passage: (daitya Nivātakavaca) sumyūhaṅ indrālaya ‘(the demon Nivātakavaca) was about to destroy Indra’s abode’. — ⟨A12⟩ kalinā khalena ⬦ talinā ⏑ lena K; kalinā jhalena P • See Damais (1952: 90–91, n.1): “Nous dirons dans une étude consacrée à la stèle de Pucangan pourquoi il nous est impossible de lire avec Purbatjaraka un jha”. Alas, Damais never published this study. — ⟨A12⟩ vinā P ⬦ viś¡ā!⟨āṁ⟩ K. — ⟨A12⟩ narottamena sahito P ⬦ narottamair upahito K.
⟨A13⟩ śaśalāñchanā[bdhi]vadane ⬦ tha ⏑ locanāgnivadane K • The first syllable of line 13 is almost illegible in all sources available to us. For the middle chronogram word, the choice to read bdhi (4 oceans, abdhi) instead of gni (3 fires,agni) is made on the ground that the specified thirteenth tithi of the waxing fortnight of Māgha fell on a Monday (vāre śaśini) in 941 Śaka, while in 931 it did not; moreover, in line 15 on face B, the same episode is dated to 941. See on this verse and Damais’ reading of the chronogram n. 4 (p. 66) in Boechari’s article on the Mūla-Maluruṅ inscription = Boechari 2012: 430 n.4.
⟨A14⟩ (pā)hīty apātāṅ ⬦ pāhītyutāntāṅ K • Other possibilities we have taken into consideration include: pāhīty anantāṅ / adāntāṅ / aśāntāṅ kṣitim, pāyāt samantāṅ kṣitim, pāhi tvam asmatkṣitim, pāty adya śāntāṅ / dāntāṅ kṣitim. None seemed satisfactory. — ⟨A14⟩ samrājya- • the intended word is sāmrājya-. But it is imaginable that for our author, samrājya- was an acceptable form. — ⟨A14⟩ śaśvad ⬦ bibhyad K. — ⟨A14⟩ abhyasyatīha K ⬦ abhyasyatīva K. — ⟨A14⟩ (capa)latvam K ⬦ mukhalatvam K • Other conceivable readings would be kuśalatvam, mr̥dulatvam and musalavam. If we read capalatvam, it might be an allusion to the term hastacapala, found frequently in OJ inscriptions and sometimes in other textual sources. CHECK Boechari. Pāṇicapala is also found in dharmaśāstra texts, e.g. Manusmṛti 4.177, where it refers to “someone conducting himself in a fickle manner with his hands” (cf. O livelle’s translation p. CHECK). Here in the inscription, however, the meaning of this expression is probably more positive.
⟨A15⟩ pr̥thvīv • Regarding the idiosyncratic sandhi, see our note on nr̥ṇāv vidhāne in pāda b of stanza I. — ⟨A15⟩ na K ⬦ nu (?) K. — ⟨A15⟩ bubhujus ⬦ bubhujas Kern 1917 K • Damais writes an u above the a — ⟨A15⟩ taj(jā) K ⬦ ta – r K • This reading is proposed by K in the note to his translation, where he observes that an appropriate reading would be tuṣṭiṁ, but that it cannot be adopted because no u is visible. It indeed seems hard to read a tu; for the following akṣara, something with j or ṣṭ would be possible, but these are not the only possibilities judging by what little remains identifiable of the akṣara. — ⟨A15⟩ kintu K ⬦ tiktaṁ K. — ⟨A15⟩ dhirājāgraṇīr ⬦ – irājāgraṇīr K; dhi(nāthā)graṇīr K. — ⟨A15⟩ bhobhuṅkte ⬦ bho caṅkte / bhaṅktve K; bho aṅge K.
⟨16⟩ -digdha- ⬦ – kta- K; -(sa)kta K • Cf. K. 263 C, st. XV = K. 669 A, st. VI, pāda a: āsīd bhūpālamaulisphuritamaṇiśikhārāgadigdhāṅghrijaśrīr. For a slightly different expression of the same idea in Old Javanese, see face B lines 29–30.
⟨A16⟩ -laucana- ⬦ -locana- Kern 1917 K • The word -locana- is surely intended, but the stone shows lau instead of lo.
⟨A18⟩ to hy ājñāvidheyas ⬦ tāmpyājñavidheyas K; –ājñāvidheyas K. — ⟨A18⟩ -hr̥daya(ḥ stai)nyā ⬦ -hr̥dayastenyā Kern 1917 K • One of the problems with our reading is that this inscription elsewhere prefers the sandhi -s st-. — ⟨A18⟩ rājāpy upālabhyate ⬦ rājampyupālanyate K; – – ⏑ yā lapyate K • The possibility of reading as we do was proposed to Arlo Griffiths by the late Abhijit Ghosh, when they discussed the stanza in January 2011. The UI estampage seems indeed to show these akṣaras.
⟨A19⟩ – vāptaye dhanamalāni K ⬦ – – ptapo vanasamāni K. — ⟨A19⟩ tuṅgāsau ⬦ tuṅgāho K; tuṅgā K.
⟨A20⟩ sya maha – – – ⏑ – – ⏑so • Maybe it is possible to read ... jijñā ⏑ so? — ⟨A20⟩ cikīrṣayā kṣa • Maybe it is possible to read kṣi or kr̥? Or cikīrṣayārkṣi ...? — ⟨A20⟩ rabhasuyā • K states in a note that the reading is unmistakable to him, but that what is expected is rabhasayā.
⟨A21⟩ śuddhikarīndradā ⬦ śuddhikarī ⏑ dā K. — ⟨A21⟩ [na]reṣu ⬦ mareṣu K • The first syllable of this word is completely illegible on the UI estampage . — ⟨A21⟩ [mati]vāk- • K states in a note that he guesses the stone has pr̥thuvāk. Our conjecture is based on the assumption that we must have here an expression of the triple ’thoughts, words and deeds’. An alternative would be to conjecture [mata]. — ⟨A21⟩ [dha]rmmo ⬦ dhr̥ṣṭo K. — ⟨A21⟩ (pāśa)bhr̥d ⬦ (bhā)gakr̥d K. — ⟨A21⟩ hanta [nr̥pa]r(ā)d ⬦ hanta ⏑ rarāḍiti K • Kern notes that the syllable after hanta clearly bears a u, but supposes this has been misplaced, and believes the intended reading is hantu mararāḍ iti. To us, the akṣara supposedly bearing a u rather seems to be the one before r(ā). Instead of hanta, we could also read hasta. Understand -rāḍ.
⟨A22⟩ nr̥po ⏑ ⏑ purīpralayaṁ sa – – ⬦ nr̥ – ⏑ ⏑ ⏑ – prala – ⏑ – – K. — ⟨A22⟩ viṣṇu- ⬦ bhīṣma- K.
⟨A23⟩ tañ candrabhūtavadane śakarājavarṣa • this entire pāda, except the last three syllables, was unreadable for Kern. — ⟨A23⟩ ekādaśī ⏑ daka – cu ⏑ phalguṇe (v)ā(n)· ⬦ – – ⏑ – ⏑ ⏑ ⏑ – ⏑ ⏑ – ⏑ lokāt K. — ⟨A23⟩ adhamaḥ parudābh- ⬦ adhamāpanudābh- K • Would parujābh° (including OJ word parujar) somehow be possible? — ⟨A23⟩ Ivāvyathayaj jaganti ⬦ vādhyadhamāṅgatantiḥ K.
⟨A24⟩ narendro ⬦ nagendre K. — ⟨A24⟩ (rā)mātviramyaca(ri)to nyavadhīt tam āśu • K only read from nyavadhīt onwards. Emend rāmāti-. Or is it possible that what looks like subscript -v- is actually an accidental scratch in the stone? — ⟨A24⟩ jigīṣu(r ga)tas ⬦ jigīṣur bhuvās K.
⟨A25⟩ (varo) ⬦ varo K • It would also be possible to read gate or gato.
⟨A26⟩ e[tān tatkṣa]ṇaṅ ⬦ etal lakṣaṇaṅ K • As is clear from the Leiden estampage, Kern’s reading must already have been partly conjectural. His interpretation of lakṣaṇaṅ as meaning ‘prize’ seems impossible, for one would then have expected lakṣyaṅ or lakṣaṅ. — ⟨A26⟩ a(ja)yyān ⬦ anāryyān K • Neither ā-mātra on the second syllable nor repha above y are discernible.
⟨A27⟩ labdhvā ⬦ luṇṭaṁ K. — ⟨A27⟩ -saṅghe ⬦ -madhye K. — ⟨A27⟩ bhadre • Kern notes that bhadre is to be corrected to bhādre, but this is probably unnecessary. Damais reads caitre, but the estampages seem to favor Kern’s reading; neither reading yields a Wednesday.
⟨A28⟩ -titho ⬦ -tithau K • Of course one must understand -tithau.
⟨A29⟩ [A]tha mu(kha)- ⬦ (atha) muni- K • What has been read as mu looks more like pr̥ or possibly pu. Virtually no trace of the last syllable in this line is actually preserved. — ⟨A29⟩ vijayavarm(m)ā ⬦ vijayanāmā K.
⟨A30⟩ m(ukha)- ⬦ maka- K • See Kern 1917: 96 n. 4 for details. As Kern observed, the passage in line 29–30 of face B makes clear that the year in question was 959, and hence that the word we are dealing with here had to have the value 9.Judging by the visual material at our disposal, we doubt that the reading maka- was ever as “perfectly clear (volkomen duidelijk)” as Kern claimed. We find it likely that the same word with value 9 was used in stanza XXIX and XXX.
⟨A31⟩ nihitapādo • it seems that the e-mātrā of do stands at the end of line 30, but if this is correct, we probably have to assume that it was repeated by the stone carver, or that some other error was made at the beginning of l. 31, for there are traces of more signs than dā before ratna-. The hypothesis of redundant e-mātrā is to be preferred, for there is an analogous case in face B, lines 14–15. — ⟨A31⟩ -pīḍaṅ • We cannot distinguish the ḍ with certainty from a d. In all likelihood, the stone carver spelled -pīdaṅ.
⟨A32⟩ bratitayā K ⬦ vratitayā K. — ⟨A32⟩ devatārādhanaiḥ rantuñ ⬦ devatārādhanairantru/añ K; devatā rādhanai rantuñ K • A pausa form is expected at the end of pāda b. The Leiden estampage seems to show the expected visarga. — ⟨A32⟩ -mahā(kra/śra)mas ⬦ -mahā¿d?⟨t⟩vam¿u?⟨a⟩s K; -mahānr̥pas K • The second ma seems relatively clear.
⟨A34⟩ -netr¿ā?⟨āḥ⟩ • This was no doubt intended by Kern’s netrā(ḥ). — ⟨A34⟩ mālābhiprītikārās ⬦ [6+]rās K; mālādiprītikārās K. — ⟨A34⟩ enan K ⬦ etan K.
⟨A36⟩ jīvyād • the supposed ī-sign is not clearly distinguishable from a short i.
⟨B1⟩ va, śu K ⬦ pa, bu B K; va, śa P. — ⟨B1⟩ caragraha • This term is anomalous. Elsewhere, one finds grahacāra. See Gomperts 2001: 107–110. — ⟨B1⟩ -Uttarabhadravā⟨da⟩-nakṣatra K ⬦ -rabhadravānākṣatra K; -ra( )dratanakṣatra B; -rabhadrava(da) nakṣatra P. — ⟨B1⟩ -budhna- Kern 1917 K ⬦ -budha- B P.
⟨B2⟩ gara(ḍ)i-: K • We tentatively follow D’s suggestion for the name of the karaṇa; dadhi- P. B and K leave the syllables in question open. — ⟨B2⟩ rakai P K ⬦ rake B K.
⟨B3⟩ dhamasuparṇa(vā)haṇa tguh uttuṅga- ⬦ dhamma suparṇa – hana tahutuṅgadeva B; dhamma suparṇa – haṇata hutuṅgadeva K; dharmmasuparṇacaraṇa tguh uttuṅga- P; dh(ā)ma suparṇavāhaṇa tguh uttuṅga- K • On the reading of the first element of the name, see Damais 1955: 66–7 n. 3. We reject Damais’ conclusion that the reading must be dhāma, because we see no trace in the RTI of the -ā suspected by Damais at the end of line 2. Although we thus read dhama instead of dhāma, on the grounds that the intended meaning of the name may have been ‘Viṣṇu (suparṇavāhana) in heaven (dhāma)’, we suppose that dhāma may indeed have been intended. — ⟨B3⟩ dānaśūra K ⬦ janaśūra P • B and K leave these syllables blank. — ⟨B3⟩ Iṁ barahəm· • After dharmmamūrtti B leaves the syllables blank until niṅ barahəm·. K has dharmamūrti [11+] kə [5+] maṅan, iṅ barahəm. — ⟨B3⟩ bapuri K ⬦ śapuri P; basuri B K.
⟨B5⟩ 939 P ⬦ 938 (928) B; 928 K. — ⟨B5⟩ ri pra(hāra) ⬦ ri prahara P; mra?– – K • B leaves these syllables blank. — ⟨B5⟩ An· vijil· B K ⬦ masə: mijil P. — ⟨B5⟩ -rŭpa- ⬦ -rūpa- B K P.
⟨B7⟩ vālaka P ⬦ vālajaka B; vāla, ka K. — ⟨B7⟩ dahat· K P ⬦ dahat iṁ B. — ⟨B7⟩ enāk B ⬦ enak· K P. — ⟨B7⟩ baṅətni P ⬦ baṅəṅgi B K. — ⟨B7⟩ rumə⟨B8⟩gəp· B K P • One detects what seems to be a character to the right of mə, which could theoretically be a vestige of an akṣara rə or R̥, or else be a space filler such as one often finds in later inscriptions but never in original stone inscriptions from Airlangga’s time. Although a form rumərəgəp could theoretically be justified, it is unattested. We hence believe that we must be dealing with an accidental scratch.
⟨B8⟩ pasarikəpany ⬦ pasariṅkəpany B P; sapariṅkəpany K. — ⟨B8⟩ sākṣāt(n)iran ⬦ sākṣāt iran B K; sakṣātiran P. — ⟨B8⟩ Inahākən B K ⬦ Innahakən P. — ⟨B8⟩ kavaśa K P ⬦ livaśa B. — ⟨B8⟩ paṅava(śaniṁ) P ⬦ paṅavananiṁ B; paṅavara niṁ K. — ⟨B8⟩ maṅantīri ⬦ maṅanti ri B K P. — ⟨B8⟩ -niṁ vanagiri B ⬦ -ni vanagiri K; -iṅ vanagiri P.
⟨B9⟩ lāvan· K P ⬦ lavan B. — ⟨B9⟩ saṅ e(kā)ntapratipatti ⬦ [4+]nta pradipatti B; [4+]nta pratipatti K; samekāntapratipatti P. — ⟨B9⟩ (dāśabhū)ta-tanŭpacāran· bhaktiprahva ri ⬦ [3+] tanu – – n – – pra – ri B; – tanu [4+] n – – prahva ri K; Umaṅga tatan upakaran bhakti sraddha ri P • For -tanupacāran, one must either understand -tanūpacāran, or emend -tanupracāran. We tentatively opt for the former. The whole passage from ekāntapratipatti to pāduka śrī mahārāja is reminiscent of the Adulengen charter, where we read in 2r1–3: tan· kapālaṅalaṁ suṣṭubhakti I pāduka śrī mahārāja, lot kahudanan·, kapyayān·, An paṅekānta I pāduka śrī mahārāja “they were undisturbed in their extreme loyalty to his Majesty the Great King, steadfast [despite being] exposed to rain and sun, as they had but one aim, [namely] his Majesty the Great King”. — ⟨B9⟩ pu narottama K ⬦ saṁ narottama B; mpu narottama P.
⟨B10⟩ sirādini K ⬦ sirādiniṁ B P. — ⟨B10⟩ Ati¡sayeṁ!⟨śayeṅ⟩ K ⬦ Atiśayeṁ B P. — ⟨B10⟩ tumūt P ⬦ hambak B; humbat (?) K. — ⟨B10⟩ tan sāḥ ⬦ tansaḥ B K; tan sah P. — ⟨B10⟩ saparān· ⬦ Ayunan B K; saparan P. — ⟨B10⟩ makāhāra P ⬦ I[.]ā hāra B; maṅāhāra K.
⟨B11⟩ vanaprastha B P ⬦ vanapraṣṭha K. — ⟨B11⟩ tātan· vismr̥¿d?⟨t⟩i ⬦ yataniviṣadi B K; tatan vismr̥ti P. — ⟨B11⟩ ri kārādhanan· ⬦ rikā bhavanan· B K; ri kāradhanan· P • The Sanskrit text on face A also uses the word ārādhana: see st. XXXII. — ⟨B11⟩ ahorātra K ⬦ ahoratra B P.
⟨B12⟩ (ka)lpapādapa Umə:bana ⬦ Alpapādi padamə:lana B; –lpapādi padamə:lana K; kalpapādapa ṅahə:bana P. — ⟨B12⟩ kumaliliranaṁ P ⬦ kumalilirana B K. — ⟨B12⟩ makadrabyaṁ P ⬦ makadrabya B K. — ⟨B12⟩ muvahakna sāśvatā(niṁ) ⬦ muvaḥakna haṣa nikanaṅ B; muvahakna harṣanikanaṅ K P • The RTI clearly shows sā instead of ha. Cf. the parallel passage in line 33: de śrī mahārāja munarjīvākən· sāśvatāniṁ sayavadvīpa. The word recorded in OJED as śāśvata is intended in both passages. — ⟨B12⟩ munarjīvāknaṁ ⬦ munarjīvākna P; [5×] B K.
⟨B13⟩ maṁkanābhamataniṁ ⬦ maṁkanābhimataniṁ B K P • The reading of the previous editors suggests that an -i was visible to them in the reproductions they used. It seems rather that none was ever engraved atop bh, and that it needs to be inserted by emendation. Another instance of the same scribal error occurs below in l. 16. — ⟨B13⟩ -devata K P ⬦ -devatā B. — ⟨B13⟩ kapadasthāniṁ pituṁ ⬦ ka [2+] gə:ṅniṅ pitu B; kapūja(?) [2+] pitu K; kapadasthaniṁ pitu P.
⟨B14⟩ haji devatā K P ⬦ haridevatā B. — ⟨B14⟩ lumāḥ ⬦ lumāh B K; lumah P. — ⟨B14⟩ īśānabajra K P ⬦ iśānabajra B. — ⟨B14⟩ pinaka(ka)padasthān· ⬦ pinakakapratisthān· B K; pinakakapratiṣṭhān· P.
⟨B15⟩ -vikramottuṅgadeva • the e-element (taling) of mo is written first at the end of line 14, and then redundantly repeated at the beginning of line 15. See identical case on face A, in st. XXX. — ⟨B15⟩ mahārāja, de B K ⬦ mahārāja de P. — ⟨B15⟩ Irikāṁ ⬦ irikaṅ B K P. — ⟨B15⟩ (tā)tan· pahī(ṅan de) śrī ⬦ tatan pahīṅan śrī P; I tan pahiṅan· śrī B; – tan pahīṅan· śrī K • All previous editors ignore the presence of de.
⟨B16⟩ [luma]risakən· ⬦ [4+]kən B K; manarīrākən P. — ⟨B16⟩ sābhamataniṁ • K and P have proposed the emendation sābhimataniṁ which underlies our translation. See the emendation maṁkanābhamata to maṁkanābhimata in l. 13. It is very curious that the same error is made twice; normally, this would impose taking the reading seriously as it is, but we see no other way than to assume that the word abhimata was really intended in both cases. — ⟨B16⟩ kapva kakal(imbaṅ ikaṁ) kriyā vāhyāntara ⬦ kapva kalimba – – kri phala – hyantara B; kapva kakal imban (?) iṁ kriyā vāhyāntara K; kapva kakalimbaṅ ikaṅ kriya vahyāntara P • Several factors conspire to make the reading rather uncertain here. First, there is interference with the descender (itself rather unclear) of ṅku in the preceding line; what previous scholars have read, and what we read after them, as mb could possibly be ṅk or jb; the squiggle to its top left, which might be taken as -ā on mb pushed to the left by the descender from line 15, seems indeed to be an -i on the preceding akṣara, as previous editors assumed, and as we find confirmed by an apparently parallel passage in the Kamalagyan inscription, lines 21–22: yāvat kavaṅunaniṅ yaśa donanya, an kapva kinalimbaṅ juga denira, sahana saṅ hyaṅ sarvvadharmma kabeḥ ‘As many constructions of foundation as were his aim, they were all simply carried out by him, absolutely all holy foundations’. The li seems to be endowed with descender to make -u (lu), but this must be an accidental scratch. — ⟨B16⟩ denira, tan· kasalimur i kadamlaniṁ pūjā P ⬦ denira tan· kapalimura I dharmma dhi – jā B; denira tansalimur i kadharmmaniṁ prajā K.
⟨B17⟩ [3+] prāyaścitta [6+] (ma)hābhāraniṁ kasiṅhe(śva)ranira ⬦ [9+] jro mrā nikaṅ siṅho [2+]nira B; [2+] mahārāja [1+] nika siṅho [2+] nira K; riṁ bhaṭara, deni kasiṅheśvaranira P. — ⟨B17⟩ marava(śā)k(ə)n· P ⬦ mara [3+] ni B; mara [5+] ni K. — ⟨B17⟩ sakveḥnik(āṁ ka)la(ṅka) satumuvuh i ⬦ sakveḥnikāṅ [2+] maṅhyaṅgadrabya B; sakveḥ nikāṅ [2+] K; sakveḥnikaṅ kalaṅka satumuvuh P • P’s reading breaks off after this point. — ⟨B17⟩ [2+] hyaṁ • for the gap of two akṣaras, satva or mata would seem to be possible readings judging from the UI estampage and the RTI, but the resulting meaning in either case is not sufficiently persuasive to allow us to make a choice. — ⟨B17⟩ sap(i)nakahani(t)uniṁ ⬦ sapinakahanituni B K. — ⟨B17⟩ pra(bheda) [4+] dru(ha) [6+] ⬦ prabheda [12+] B; prabheda [5+] K.
⟨B18⟩ ṅ inaranan· B ⬦ ṅinarani K • A possible restitution of the illegible akṣaras at the end of line 17 would be salvirani, to give the words salviraniṅ inaranan. — ⟨B18⟩ si (śuvuka)l·, (man)tu (ha)j(ī)nadgakn (iṁ) ka(ṭ)ula ⬦ [10+] nakekale B; [4+] kekale K. — ⟨B18⟩ si la[ḍ]iṁ ⬦ si baḍiṁ B K • Brandes’ note indicates his hesitation between sibaḍing and silaḍing. — ⟨B18⟩ nirava(ś)eṣa K ⬦ naravaśeṣa B. — ⟨B18⟩ I [1+] (tta) s(ama) [2+] (n)ya ⬦ ikā [6+] B; ikā [2+] K. — ⟨B18⟩ de śrī mahārāja, ṅuni-ṅuni haji tṅaḥ [7+] sapuluḥ ⬦ de śrī mahā [16+] B; de śrī mahārāja ṅuni ṅuni haji [3+] K.
⟨B19⟩ paṁ(di)ri, pinakarovaṁ mad(v)andva yuddha ca(kra)[10+](vv)at· pinja(han iṁ) ⬦ [15+]rika [5+]nasikanaṅ sarat pinjahaniṅ B; [2+]diri (?) [5+]rika [6+] ikanaṅ sarat pinjahan, iṅ K. — ⟨B19⟩ vaṅuntur· mvaṁ saṅ ibu Irikāṁ ⬦ [3+] mvaṅ – – – irikāṅ B; [3+] mvaṅ irikāṅ K. — ⟨B19⟩ 95(1) [5+] ⬦ 951 ri kanaṁ pitu B K • Kern translates “in the seventh month”. This corresponds to nothing in stanza XXIII (Phalguṇa is not the 7th month by any reckoning). The akṣaras in question can but by no means need to be read as B and K did.
⟨B20⟩ ikāṁ parad[āra]putra hyaṁ ma(ṅ)adg (i v)uru tum(u)ṁgal (i) maddhyadeśaniṁ ⬦ -ikaṅ parada [7+] guru tumaṅgal caddhya deśani B; -ikāṅ para [5+] guru tumaṅgal – ddhya deśa ni K • We tentatively take paradāraputra as a tatpuruṣa compound, although a dvandva or sequence of two coordinated words is also a possibility (cf. tanayadāra in l. 28). We consider that a toponym is required after hyaṁ, and since we are reminded of the well-attested Vuru Tuṅgal (Damais 1970: 584–4), we read (v)uru tum(u)ṁgal where both B and K read guru tumaṅgal: the first consonant is extremely damaged, and can easily be read v or g; a faint trace of -u seems visible on the RTI below the m, but it must be admitted that the prima facie reading is tumaṁgal. — ⟨B20⟩ vurahan· ⬦ –ratan· B; vu?ratan· K • See Dharma Pātañjala 314:4 (ed. Acri 2017), for an occurrence of vurahan, taken as ‘confusion’ by the editor but potentially a toponym, indicating the opposite of a deśa rahayu. — ⟨B20⟩ -pa(rākrama) sumorakən haji vəṅkər· • B and K left these syllables blank.
⟨B21⟩ saṅa ta ha(jy a)n· ⬦ sa[4+]n B; samāhvayan K • A problem with our tentative reading is that we don’t really expect sandhi to be applied to haji An. — ⟨B21⟩ vaṅk(ə)r· ⬦ vaṅkir· B; vəṅkər· K • B’s note “vaṅkir-vəṅkər” suggests the emendation he had in mind, which was adopted by K into his text as such. It is possible to read i or ə on top of the ṅk, but there really is no vocalization sign on the v. In a damaged part of line 23, it seems the text may have had the spelling vaṅkar. — ⟨B21⟩ kavnaṅ ata ⬦ kavada ta B; kavaśa ta K. — ⟨B21⟩ mvaṁ tinuluy (hani)hanitu[n]i [8+] ⬦ maṁkinakuyanahani [10+]ḥ B; maṅkin[2+] hanitu [2+]ḥ K • The ostensible conjunct yh is hard to recognize and perhaps not so likely. If, as seems nevertheless quite likely, the passage is parallel to the one in line 26, we can fill in the first part of the gap with (hani)hanitu[n]iṁ yadadvīpa, leaving about 4 akṣaras unaccounted for.
⟨B22⟩ (m)uvah akaḍatvan i L̥ca, ⬦ ṅu – ha kaḍatvaniL̥va B; mulih(e) kaḍatvan i – vā K. — ⟨B22⟩ tinūtnikāṁ ⬦ bunutnikāṁ B; tinūt? nikāń K. — ⟨B22⟩ sināhasan ⬦ sināhsan B; sināhāsan K.
⟨B23⟩ [d]e (śrī) mahārāja ⬦ [2+] śrī mahārāja B; [3+] mahārāja K. — ⟨B23⟩ muvaḥ hana ta putra [haji] vaṅ[ka]r· maṅadg i vur(u rt)u p(j)aḥ ⬦ [19+]ḥ B; [4+]ḥ K. — ⟨B23⟩ vargga la(ṁ)ḍiṁ rāk· ⬦ va[1+] laṁ[3+] B; vargga la[3+] K. — ⟨B23⟩ hiR̥ṁhiR̥ṅan(·), Iṁ ⬦ haR̥pi[3+], bu B; haR̥p[5+], [1+] K.
⟨B24⟩ maṁdo(n)· lāvan· ⬦ b[5+]n· B; – – – – lāvan· K. — ⟨B24⟩ sahananikāṁ makira(k)i(rāpā)yāmutra hyaṅ amana(ḥnya) [8+] ⬦ sahananikaṅ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – B; sahana nikaṅ [8+] K • Two epigraphic passages, both contemporary with our inscription, contain the sequence amutra hyaṅ. See Turun Hyang, face A, line 6: ... nikanaṅ amutra hyaṅ kāvaḥ dūdu kika.... maṅabhayā manambu sarāt nakavāmaṇa rara bilṣani pāduka śrī mahā ...; plate MNI E.91, verso, lines 6–7: an tan dumaṇāta sira sumaṅgaha ikaṅ vaṅ sahayaniṅ amutra hyaṅ mvaṅ katibān tulis kaṅāśvāsa. Alas, the published readings of these two inscriptions are insecure, and we are unable to translate them.
⟨B25⟩ makapuruṣa(kā)ra ⬦ makapuruṣa – – B; mako (?) puruṣa – – K. — ⟨B25⟩ (U)saṁ[ṅ-u]saṁ ⬦ [3+]saṅ B; [3+] K • The initial akṣara can easily be read as U, but could also be a vocalization -e. The entirely lost akṣara, indicated here as ṅu, may equally well have been another U. Whatever its precise spelling, we are unsure that the intended word here was usaṅ-usaṅ to begin with. If it was, then we guess that it is a so far unattested form of the word recorded as usəṅ in OJED. See our note on p.XX below.
⟨B26⟩ hane magəṁ ha – – ⬦ haneṁ matiha – – B; haneṁ magəhan (?) – – K • The syllables tentatively represented here as magəṁ seem rather clear, but they are somewhat difficult to make sense of, even if we presume that they are the first element of a toponym. — ⟨B26⟩ h(ī)ṅa(nyan·) śrī mahārāja [sa](ṅka)ni ⬦ hiṅanya – – mahārāja maṅkana B; hīṅan ya – mahārāja, saṅkani K • We feel quite uncertain about the readings hīṅanyan· and saṅkani, but believe the punctuation sign read by Kern cannot have been present if the text really contained both these words. However, there does seem to be enough space for such a punctuation sign or even for a whole extra akṣara between the ja and the akṣara restored as sa. — ⟨B26⟩ hilaṁniṁ sahanani B ⬦ hilaṁ sahanani K. — ⟨B26⟩ hanihanituniṁ ⬦ hanihanituni B K. — ⟨B26⟩ kramani kahilaṁ K ⬦ kramanika hilaṁ B. — ⟨B26⟩ [mū]la kaḍatvani(ra) ⬦ Iṅakaḍatvanira B; – sva?kaḍatvanira K • Another possible reconstruction for the first word, whose initial syllable is lost, would be [kā]la. But since kāla is not used as conjunction elsewhere in this text, nor even recorded in that function in OJED, we tentatively prefer mūla.
⟨B27⟩ kapaṁ sira naṁ ⬦ tapa sira B K. — ⟨B27⟩ pratiniyata ⬦ pratinayaka B K. — ⟨B27⟩ hinārohara deśanirāṅkən· K ⬦ hina – ro – – deśani raṅkən B. — ⟨B27⟩ [vvay a]ta, • the punctuation sign after ta was ignored by B and K; in the light of its undeniable presence, and of the likely presence of ta in the next sentence, B and K’s reading vvaya ta in an area where the surface of the stone is now obliterated, is very suspicious. For in all occurrences known to us (see OJED s.v. wwaya), the sequence vvaya ta stands at the beginning of a sentence. For our tentative interpretation see note 257.
⟨B28⟩ (ta) sirar kaparājaya ⬦ ta sira – – rājaya B; ta sira [3+] (pa)rājaya K. — ⟨B28⟩ kapaṁ ⬦ tapa B K. — ⟨B28⟩ deśa K ⬦ de– B. — ⟨B28⟩ rājavāhana B ⬦ rājavahana K.
⟨B29⟩ vaR̥gg anusup· ⬦ – rəp manusup B K. — ⟨B29⟩ kavnaṁ ta sira B ⬦ kavnaṁ sira K.
⟨B30⟩ ha – – – pinakatapakan ⬦ ha – – s panaka ta pa kan B; – – – pinaka ta pakan K. — ⟨B30⟩ (t)aṇḍasnira ⬦ kaṇḍa sira B K. — ⟨B30⟩ Ar paliṅ(g)iḥ ⬦ Apaliṅgiḥ B K • The (g) in (ṅgi) has wrongly been carved as a full circle. — ⟨B30⟩ saṁkṣipta ta Ikāṁ ⬦ saṁkṣipta Ikāṁ B K • Both previous editors have omitted the particle ta.
⟨B31⟩ tan (hana) ⬦ nhana B; (ta)n hana K. — ⟨B31⟩ rāt· An· (p)aṅəb· makapārāyana (c)chā[yā]ni ⬦ [9+] pā – yanacchāyāni B; [5+] maka – – yan acchāyā ni K. — ⟨B31⟩ mataṅ yar siddh[ākən][·] ⬦ mataṅya siddhākən B K. — ⟨B31⟩ [pratijñānira] K ⬦ prājīnānira B.
⟨B32⟩ Inusa[n·-U]san· raghu, yāṅkən· ⬦ [4+]san· rake yāṅkən· B; Ista – – s an· rake yāṅkən· K • Both previous editors ignore the punctuation sign after raghu, which they misread as rake. Our restoration Inusa[n·-U]san (there seems to be too much space for restorting Inusa[n·-U]san) is based on the assumption that we have a typical Old Javanese-Sanskrit dyad and that usan-usan is a variant spelling for OJED’s usən-usən. — ⟨B32⟩ mantras(t)avanamaskāra K ⬦ mantrasta – namastāra B • Brandes’ note “( )namastāra-vana sangskāra” reveals that he had really not understood the present passage. — ⟨B32⟩ śrī mahārāja ri bhaṭāra B ⬦ śrī bhaṭāra K. — ⟨B32⟩ sārisāri ⬦ hari sāri B K. — ⟨B32⟩ paṁ[liṅgānanikāṁ] ⬦ paliṅgānanikāṁ B; paliṅgānanikaṁ K • Both previous editors ignored the first anusvāra, which is crucial to get the correct sense. We are dealing with an irrealis of the word paṅliṅgan. Cf. Sumanasāntaka 37.3c: paṅliṅgāna savaṅsavaṅni hayunīdəmanira səmuniṅ varāpsarī ‘This was clear because the young girls, whose beauty was on the point of blossoming, resembled divine nymphs’ (ed. and transl. Worsley et al. 2013).
⟨B33⟩ anāgataprabhu B ⬦ aṅāgataprabhu K. — ⟨B33⟩ hlam i ⬦ tkā ri B K. — ⟨B33⟩ kramani de śrī K ⬦ kramani – śrī B. — ⟨B33⟩ munarjīvākən· ⬦ munajikakən· B K • Cf. line 12.
⟨B34⟩ yavadvīpa, ka [3+] sa(dbhāva) [13+] han denira ⬦ yavadvīpa [23+]nenira B; yavadvīpa [8+]nira K. — ⟨B34⟩ t(kā)maṅgiḥ B ⬦ tkā, maṅgiḥ K. — ⟨B34⟩ hayunira • B leaves open an amount of space between hayu and nira, implying that Brandes thought there were some illegible akṣaras in the gap. But K indicates no such gap.
⟨B35⟩ [abhimata] B K • the reading has become unverifiable, because the surface of the stone has been lost since their time. In view of the fact that the text twice showed abhamata instead of expected abhimata (lines 13 and 16), one may wonder if that is what was actually engraved here too.
⟨B36⟩ (th)ā(n)i [vat]ə[k] ⬦ nāni – ti – B; – – ni – – – K • Our reconstruction is based on the occurrence of the sequence thāni vatək in other inscriptions of Airlaṅga, e.g. Terep I XX. — ⟨B36⟩ [6+] (maṅaran i) h(i)no(,) – (dr̥bya) ⬦ [12+]ti hino – madrabya B; [5+] hino madrabya K. — ⟨B36⟩ ni • This akṣara, rather clear in the RTI, was not read by B and K, whose reading resumes with nikāṁ at the end of the line, where the surface of the stone has by now entirely peeled off.
⟨B37⟩ mantən· ta B ⬦ mantən· tā K. — ⟨B37⟩ [bapuri] ⬦ basuri B K • Even though these akṣaras have peeled off by now, we emend the reading of our predecessor by comparison with our reading of the same toponym in line 3.
⟨B38⟩ ya [10+]· saṁ • B and K were unable to read any akṣaras in the damaged stretch before saṁ. — ⟨B38⟩ [[tan katamāna deniṁ]] • The restoration was made by Kern (1917: 106: n. 1), while Brandes left open a gap for the illegibly damaged akṣaras.
⟨B39⟩ mvaṁ (saṁ nāyaka)pratya[ya] ⬦ mvaṁ – nāyaka, partyaya B; mvaṁ nāyaka, partyaya K • The two words nāyaka and pratyaya are normally not separated by a punctuation sign (although see n. XX below), and are quite often preceded by saṁ, which we can faintly make out in the gap left open by Brandes that was ignored by Kern.
⟨B40⟩ m – – – – [sukhaduḥkha,] ⬦ – khaduḥkha, B; sukhaduḥkha, K • In B’s reading, line 39 ends with a substantial lacuna after haji m, while 40 starts with khaduḥkha; in K’s, there is a lacuna of five akṣaras after haji m at the end of 39, while line 40 starts with sukhaduḥkha. In cases where it could be verified, we have seen that K’s edition is not very precise in dealing with the distinction between preserved and conjectured text; moreover, the amount of space before the first legible akṣaras on line 40 suggests that B’s reading of the beginning of this line has a more plausible number of akṣaras. We therefore conjecture that the necessary akṣara su stood at the end of line 39. If we may otherwise rely on K’s edition, it means the lacuna between m and su extends over four akṣaras. If this estimation is exaggerated, then we could conjecture a reading like haji mvaṁ sukhaduḥkha, inspired by OJO XLIX 2b.
⟨B41⟩ […] [[saṁ maṅilāla] drabya haji vuluvulu mvaṁ] […] ⬦ […] [drabya haji vuluvulu mvaṁ] B; [8+] [[saṁ maṅilāla] drabya haji vuluvulu mvaṁ] [3+] K • We are unable to confirm any of the sequences of akṣaras that our predecessors have discerned on this line. We see a fairly clear ṅi around the 12th position in the line, but what remains of the surrounding akṣaras cannot be matched with Kern’s conjecture maṅilāla; three positions to the left of this ṅi stands a clear na which may also have been a ne. The number of illegible akṣaras indicated by Kern implies that there were only 25 akṣaras on this line which must be far off the mark as completely preserved lines higher up show around 55 akṣaras per line. But we are unable to propose an alternative estimate because we are unable to situate the string of akṣaras read by B and K anywhere on the line. Note that B’s text suggests mvaṁ stood at the end of the line, whereas K’s suggests a short lacuna stood between this word and the end of the line.
⟨B42⟩ [siṅ ata lviranya] ⬦ siṅa – lviranya B; siṅa ta lviranya K • K’s translation suggests that he was thinking of a word like asiṅ, an idea that receives some support from the Cane inscription, faces C and d, line 30: kita kamuṅ hyaṅ yāvat ya hana umulahulaḥ ikeṅ sīma ri cane asiṅ lvirani kavvaṅanya jaḥ tasmat kabvat kārmmāknanya ... But if this passage is indeed a relevant comparison, it also implies that Kern’s word division is unlikely to be correct. This is why we tentatively divide the words as asiṅ ata. — ⟨B42⟩ [luməbu][ra] ⬦ luməbu B K • It is tempting to conjecture further luməburāta or luməbura ta, and to assume no further loss of akṣaras before saṁ hyaṁ, but this issue depends on whether K’s estimate of 3 lost akṣaras between luməbu and saṁ hyaṁ is reliable or not. — ⟨B42⟩ [nāyaka, partyaya,] B K • We are unable to verify any part of this sequence, but expect that the stone rather showed pratyaya before it got damaged, and that there was no punctuation sign separating this from nāyaka. See n. XX above.
⟨B43⟩ va[huta rāma] [14+] [umulahu]laha • Almost all of this line is now lost. While B, as usual, only leaves open a large gap, K estimates the lacuna between rāma and umulahulaha to extend over 7 akṣaras. Taking the expected entire number of akṣaras for this line into account, and estimating the distance between the akṣaras that are still preserved today, we estimate that the gap which was already present in our predecessors’ time extended over at least 14 akṣaras.
⟨B44⟩ –nanira ⬦ [3+]nira B K • It might be possible to read the first akṣaras as sthā, conjecturing sthānanira. But ṅhananira or ṅkānanira also seem to be possible readings.
⟨B45⟩ [bhukt]inira [pañca]mahāpātaka ⬦ caṇḍinira [2+]mahāpātaka B K • The word caṇḍi in our predecessors’ reading is so unlikely that we feel forced to reject it, and the word pañca cries out so hard to be read before mahāpātaka that we feel obliged to conjecture it. Although we have found no exact parallel for the wording we propose here, assuming that nira was correctly read by B and K, our conjecture is based among numerous other comparable passages on Baru (Cd, lines 39–40), Cane (C, 26) and Patakan (C, 26), where we read: salvirniṅ pañcamahāpātaka bhuktinya. — ⟨B45⟩ [mahārāja] B ⬦ mahāraja K. — ⟨B45⟩ […] [citralekha I pāduka śrī mahārāja] […] [sira] […] • K estimates a gap of 17 akṣaras between pātaka and citralekha, then gaps of 3 akṣaras each after mahārāja and sira. The total number of akṣaras on the line would thus be 41 akṣaras, which is far too few. We are unable to verify any akṣaras after pātaka, and so are unable to propose our own estimates for the three gaps.
Translation by Csaba Dezsö and Arlo Griffiths
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X
XI
XII
XIII
XIV
XV
XVI
XVII
OR
Their sons did not enjoy [it] by force of their royal birth on the royal throne.
OR
Very many kings of Java ruled the earth while being supplicants with respect to their opponents, by force of their royal birth. Their sons did not rule on the throne. But his Majesty, king Jalalaṅgadeva, who was born in a good family and is the foremost of emperors, does very much rule. Only that enemy (reading arir ddvandvam) experiences fight as he wanders on the surface of the earth.
madvandva yuddha occurs in face B, l. 19, in the meaning ‘meet in battle’
XVIII
Bhaṭṭikāvya 17:64
tato ’citrīyatāstraughair dhanuś cādhūnayan mahat
rāmaḥ samīhitaṁ tasya nācetan sve na cāpare
comm. āścaryībhūtaḥ, citram āścarye
XIX
COMMENTARY
svargastrīgamana suggests death in battle, cf. Harivaṁśa 77:23–24, Raghuvaṁśa 7:51.
One would expect stainyapravr̥ttiḥ, a tatpuruṣa compound, because stainya does not seem to be used in an adjectival sense.
or stainyapravr̥ttiḥ is a bahuvr. from karmadhāraya: (you) having the practice which is theft
stainyā+ sg meaning lowly, vile + vr̥tti in compound
stainyātmavr̥ttiḥ ?
D and K read dayāluhr̥dayas te nyā pravr̥ttiḥ kathaṁ, how can your behaviour be different?
XX
Xāvāptaye
tadāptaye / tasyāptaye
mumukṣur … jahāti mukteḥ / so vāptaye dhanamalāni ? vanaphalāni?
from the mouth of the king? which is (like?) heaven?
XXI
-sya maharovi X jī(ba/jñā)sa
-sya maharo vi – ⏑ jijñāsayā
kiṅ — — bhuvanatrayasya mahato viśvasya jijñāsayā
b, kiṁ sandhānacikīrṣayā kṣitibhujas tībradyutes tejasaḥ (if it were bandhāna, a nonexistent form anyway, we would expect kim), “why would a king, whose splendour is fierce because of his majesty, wish to make peace / form alliances?” (tīvradyuti also means the sun)
c kiṅ krīḍārasalipsayā rabhasayā yasyoddhataiḥ / yasyodyataiḥ kīrtitā
d kīrtiḥ śuddhikarīndubhādhavalabhās sammānyate harniśam
What is the use of strong desire to obtain the pleasure of play for someone whose
purifying fame, which is celebrated by proud people and has a lustre white like moonbeams, is honoured day and night?
kiṅ krīḍāraṇa ? kiṅ śrī ?
XXII
Varuṇa unto those who are to be subjected, Kubera unto supplicants — having assembled the world guardians, saying “Behold the ruler of kings!”, he was uniquely chosen by the creator to … many.’
c, hanta yavarāḍ ? nr̥parāḍ? bhr̥gurāḍ? hasta?
d, pra…tuṁ ? inf.
cf. RV 2:75cd
narapatikulabhūtyai garbham ādhatta rājñī
gurubhir abhiniviṣṭaṁ lokapālānubhāvaiḥ |
17:76
pañcamaṇ lokapālānām
17:79
indrād vr̥ṣṭir niyamitagadodrekavr̥ttir yamo ’bhūd
yādonāthaḥ śivajalapathaḥ karmaṇe naucarāṇām |
pūrvāpekṣī tadanu vidadhe kośavr̥ddhiṁ kuveras
tasmin daṇḍopanatacaritaṁ bhejire lokapālāḥ ||
cf. Manu 7
rakṣārtham asya sarvasya rājānam asr̥jat prabhuḥ 3
indrānilayamārkāṇām agneś ca varuṇasya ca
candravitteśayoś caiva mātrā nirhr̥tya śāśvatīḥ 4
yasmād eṣāṁ surendrāṇāṁ mātrābhyo nirmito nr̥paḥ
tasmād abhibhavaty eṣa sarvabhūtāni tejasā 5
XXIII
% if śuklapakṣa: 16 Feb 1030, Monday; if kr̥ṣṇapakṣa: 3 March 1030, Tuesday
% http://www.cc.kyoto-su.ac.jp/~yanom/pancanga/
On this stanza, see Boechari 1968: 13: n. 8.
ekādaśībadi
ekādaśīśudi
XXIV
XXV
XXVI
EAST ?
Connection with Calon Araṅ in note of 1917 to transl. Kern.
XXVII
SOUTH
distributing all the loot: like Raghu
Note on strange expression dvijapatimunisaṅgha: is there a connection with Māheśvaras/Mahābrāhmaṇas mention in l. 15 of the OJ face?
XXVIII
% 19 Aug 1035, but this was a Tuesday !!
% kr̥ṣṇapakṣa 13 bhadra 957 = 3 Sep 1035, Wed; māsy asita ?
% 957 māgha śukla 13 would be 14 Jan 1036 Wed
%WEST
XXIX
% Reading the data as mukhaśararandhra, the date is verifiable: 20 Oct. 1037, Thursday. With Kern’s reading muniśararandhra, the weekday is a Sunday.
% need note on Viṣṇugupta’s = Kauṭalya’s stratagems (sāman, dāna, bheda, daṇḍa)
AŚ 2.10.47ff.
On this stanza, see Boechari 1968: 13: n. 8.
NORTH ?
XXX
% 10 Nov 1037, Thursday
XXXI
digvijaya starting in the East: like in the Raghuvaṁśa
XXXII
XXXIII
XXXIV
(1–2) Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 963, month of Kārttika, tenth tithi, waxing fortnight, (day in the 5-day week being) Hariyaṅ, (in the 6-day week) Vagai, Friday, (the Vuku being) Vayaṅvayaṅ (i.e., the 6th of November 1041 CE), the caragraha residing in the North-West, the lunar mansion Uttarabhadravāda, the deity Ahirbudhna, the conjunction Bajra, the karaṇa Garaḍi, the maṇḍala being western.26
(2–4) That was the time that the decree of the Great King Raka of Halu (named) Śrī Lokeśvara Dharmavaṅśa Airlaṅga Anantavikramottuṅgadeva was received by the lord Great Minister of Hino (named) Śrī Samaravijaya Dhāmasuparṇavāhana Təguh Uttuṅgadeva, coming down to the lord of Kanuruhan (named) pu Dharmamūrti Narottama Dānaśūra, ordering with regard to Pucaṅan, Barahəm [and] Bapuri, that the lands of the varga apiṅhe27 ... be demarcated, for them to be proper to serve as the location of the Great King’s foundation for hermits.
(4–13) The occasion was that the Great King had had a prayer in view of a desire at the time of the disaster on the island of Java in the [year of the] Śaka era 939, due to the attack of the king of Vuravari who came out of Lva Rām. At that time, the whole of Java resembled one great sea. Many distinguished men died. First and foremost did die at that time the late Great King who rests at the holy temple foundation in Vvatan. It was in the month of Caitra of the [year of the] Śaka era 939. The Great King was still a child at that time. In fact he was sixteen years of age. He was not very experienced in battle, because he was still young. He was not at ease at quickly grasping the ways of handling his weapons. But because he was manifestly an incarnation of Viṣṇu, he was the protégé of all the gods, destined not to be among those who succumbed to the force of the great disaster, as he stayed on the slope of the Vanagiri, conversing with the ascetics of pure conduct [and] being accompanied by his servant, whose mind had focused dedication as his bodily services were skilled [and] as he was bowed in devotion to the dust on slippers of the Great King. His name was Pu Narottama. He was the foremost of the servants of the Great King extraordinary in the steadfastness of his devotion, who followed inseparably to the Great King’s every destination, wearing bark garments like the Great King, and accompanying him in taking all the types of food28 of monks and forest-dwellers. The Great King was never negligent in the propitiation of the gods by day and by night. It was the reason of the great weight of the love of all the gods for his the Great King, so that he became their confidant [in the form of] a wish tree to give the world shade, to succeed to his paternal lineage (kulit kaki) in owning Royal Fortune, to refresh the constant well-being (sāśvatā) of the world, to restore all holy foundations, [and] to destroy the evil powers (hanitu) of the world. Such was the intention of all the gods concerning the Great King.
(13–15) The Great King had already undergone due rites, was installed on the lion throne, and, insofar as it was the appanage (kapadasthān) of the Great King’s great-great-grandfather (pituṅ), the deified king (haji devatā) who rests at Īśānabajra, Halu (also) was the appanage of the Great King,29 which was why the title Lord (raka) of Halu Śrī Lokeśvara Dharmavaṅśa Airlaṅga Anantavikrama Uttuṅgadeva was accorded to the Great King by the masters of the Buddhists, Śaivas and Mahābrāhmaṇas in [the year of the] Śaka era 941.
(15–20) The way in which the Great King carried out all intentions of all the gods with regard to him knew no limits. All together the external and internal rites were performed by him.30 His attention was not diverted from the performance of worship, ... expiation ..., the great weight of his Lion-Lordship. He subdued all of the stains that grow on ... of the gods, [and] all of the evil powers that the island of Java has. Division ... foe ... called Śuvukal, the royal son in-law (mantu haji) established at Kaṭula, and Laḍiṅ ... complete ... by the Great King, all the more so the king(s) (haji) of the middle31 ... ten years that he reigned, and were his companions (or: opponents) when meeting in battle formations ... killed in the outer courtyard together with his/their mother(s) in [the year of the] Śaka era 951 ... the Great King went to seek out the sons of other wives (paradāraputra) of the deified one who used to reign at Vuru Tumuṅgal in the middle country of Vurahan.32
(20–26) Exceedingly powerful and brave, he defeated the King of Vəṅkər. Nine were the kings who faced him together with the King of Vəṅkər. Still (ata) they were defeated by the Great King in [the year of the] Śaka era 952 and immediately the evil powers of ... left his kingdom and again settled a palace in Ləca,33 being followed by the country of Galuh and the country of Barat, when they were assailed and attacked in [the year of the] Śaka era 953, by the Great King. And there was a son of the King of Vəṅkər who reigned at Vuru Rətu (?). He died due to the Great King. In [the year of the] Śaka era 954,34 all of the people of Laṅḍiṅ Rāk and of Hirəṅhirəṅan, due to their attacking (? iṅ maṅdon), along with those who were plotting for death and the next world of the gods35 ... hitting with arrows (?) ... by the Great King. The king of Vuravari too, even his demise was orchestrated by the Great King orchestrated. The Great King resisted tenaciously together with the lord of Kanuruhan, Pu Narottama (and with) the lord of Kuniṅan, Pu Nīti, at the time that the Great King was in ... In short, the Great King was the cause of the demise of all the evil powers that Yavadvīpa had.
(26–30) As for the manner in which the King of Vəṅkər perished because of his the Great King, originally his palace was in Kapaṅ. He naṅ (?),36 his land was consistently (pratiniyata) disturbed by the Great King every month of Asuji.37 And in [the year of the] Śaka era 957, he was completely dissolved, when he was defeated at Kapaṅ by the Great King.38 He tried to hide, looking for an unassailable country, abandoning sons, wives, even royal property, royal vehicles and suchlike. Subsequently, in [the year of the] Śaka era 959, the king of Kapaṅ had enough of hiding along with all of the troops loyal to him. He was allowed to ...,39 ... His head was the Great King’s footstool (tapakan) when he was seated with pendant legs on the Lion Throne.
(30–44) The disaster on the island of Java has been summarized. The war ended. There was no doubt in the minds of the people, as they took shelter, using as refuge the shadow of the sandals of the Great King. This is the reason why he fulfilled his promise40 by quickly, swiftly carrying out the meritorious work (yaśa) [of founding] the hermitage at Pucaṅan. It was like the Great King’s permanent homage with mantras and eulogies to the Lord and was to be evidence for the people, first of all the future kings, thereafter in the future’s future, regarding the specifics (krama) of the manner of Great King’s reviving the constant well-being of the whole island of Java. For all of the former (anādi) kings were served on the island of Java ... character ... by them, and they obtained all of their merit (hayu) from the past. The Great King was not like that at all ... and the Great King’s intention that be beautiful41 the villages of the group ... called Hino ... royal property: 1 suvarṇa of gold. ... of the meritorious work [of founding] the hermitage at Pucaṅan. The lands of Pucaṅan, of Barahəm (and) of Bapuri, cease ... The holy hermitage foundation at Pucaṅan may not be entered by the servants of the three dignitaries — Paṅkur, Tavan, Tirip — nor by the dependents of chiefs,42 [such as]: Piṅhais, Vahutas, elders, and any one who enjoys usufruct of royal property ... ... fines on offenses,43 of whatever kind ... up to the limits of the lands of the holy hermitage foundation at Pucaṅan ... those who enjoy the usufruct of royal property: the Vulu-vulus and ... whatever be their kinds. The holy hermitage foundation at Pucaṅan would be wiped out if Brāhmaṇas, Kṣatriyas, Vaiśyas, Śūdras, outcasts, dependents of chiefs, Piṅhais, Vahutas, elders ... would meddle with the independence of the holy hermitage foundation at Pucaṅan along with [everything] up to the limits of the lands of the ... of Hino ... the holy hermitage foundation.
(44–46) So therefore they will undergo the consequences of their action. The (consequences of the) Five Major Sins are their lot. ... calligrapher to his Majesty the Great King ... the holy royal decree (in the form of an) edict.
Bibliography
...
Primary
[K] Kern, H. 1885. “Sanskrit-inscriptie ter eere van den Javaanschen vorst Er-Langa.” BKI 34, pp. 1–21. DOI: 10.1163/22134379-90000352. [URL].
[B] Brandes, Jan Laurens Andries and Nicolaas Johannes Krom. 1913. Oud-Javaansche Oorkonden: Nagelaten transcripties. Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen 60 (parts 1 and 2). Batavia; 's-Hage: Albrecht; Nijhoff. [URL]. Item 62, pages 137–140.
[K] Kern, H. 1917. “De steen van den berg Pĕnanggungan (Surabaya), thans in ’t Indian Museum te Calcutta, met Sanskrit-inscriptie en Oudjavaansche inscriptie van 963 Çāka; ter eere van vorst Er-Langga.” In: Verspreide geschriften, zevende deel: inscripties van den Indischen archipel, slot; de Nāgarakṛtāgama, eerste gedeelte. 's-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, pp. 85–114. Pages 85–114.
[P] Poerbatjaraka. 1941. “Strophe 14 van de Sanskrit-zijde der Calcutta oorkonde.” TBG 81, pp. 424–437. Pages 424–437.
DamaisPucangan_01
Secondary
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NBG 1909. Notulen van de Algemeene en Bestuurs-vergaderingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen: Deel XLVII — 1909. Batavia; 's-Gravenhage: Kolff & Co.; Nijhoff, 1909. Pages 177, 180–182.
NBG 1911. Notulen van de Algemeene en Bestuurs-vergaderingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen: Deel XLIX — 1911. Batavia; 's-Gravenhage: Kolff & Co.; Nijhoff, 1911. Page 142.
No name. 1912. Rapporten van de Commissie in Nederlandsch-Indië voor Oudheidkundig Onderzoek op Java en Madoera 1911. Batavia; 's Gravenhage: Albrecht & Co.; Nijhoff. Page 55, item 548.
Krom, Nicolaas Johannes. 1911. “Gedateerde inscripties van Java.” TBG 53, pp. 229–268. Page 249.
Krom, Nicolaas Johannes. 1913. “Epigraphische aanteekeningen, I: Erlangga's oorkonde van 963; II: De dateering van de platen van Kendal en van de steen Museum Batavia D. 21; III: De vorst, die te Tirtha is bijgezet.” TBG 55, pp. 585–598. Pages 585–591.
Kern, H. 1913. “Een Oud-Javaansche steeninscriptie van koning Er-Langga.” BKI 67, pp. 610–622. DOI: 10.1163/22134379-90001803. [URL].
No name. 1913. Oudheidkundige Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië: Oudheidkundig Verslag 1913. Weltevreden; 's Hage: Albrecht & Co.; Nijhoff. Page 8, item 1514.
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Stutterheim, Willem Frederik. 1937. “Oudheidkundige aanteekeningen, XLVI: De oudste inscriptie van Oost-Java?; XLVII: De Batoe pĕlambean bij Karang bajat; XLVIII: Waar lag Erlangga's kluizenarij van den Pucangan?; XLIX: Het rijk Gadjah-Mada; L: Wat deed Ayam Wuruk te Kalayu?” BKI 95, pp. 397–424. DOI: 10.1163/22134379-90001362. [URL]. Pages 406–410.
Berg, C. C. 1938. “De Arjunawiwāha: Er-Langga's levensloop en bruiloftslied?” BKI 97, pp. 19–94. DOI: 10.1163/22134379-90001331. [URL]. Pages 49–64.
No name. 1941. Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde uitgegeven door het Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen: Deel LXXXI, 1941. n.p. Pages 424–437.
Damais, Louis-Charles. 1952. “Études d’épigraphie indonésienne, III: Liste des principales inscriptions datées de l’Indonesie.” BEFEO 46 (1), pp. 1–105. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.1952.5158. [URL]. Pages 64–65, item A. 141.
Damais, Louis-Charles. 1955. “Études d’épigraphie indonésienne, IV: Discussion de la date des inscriptions.” BEFEO 47, pp. 7–290. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.1955.5406. [URL]. Pages 66–67, item A. 141.
Muhammad Yamin. 1962. Tatanegara Madjapahit jaitu risalah sapta parwa berisi 7 parwa hasil penelitian ketatanegaraan Indonésia tentang dasar dan bentuk negara Nusantara bernama Madjapahit, 1293-1525. Parwa I. Djakarta: Prapantja. Pages 189–204.
Boechari. 1968. “Sri Maharaja Mapanji Garasakan: A new evidence on the problem of Airlangga's partition of his kingdom.” MISI 4 (1-2), pp. 1–26. Pages 7, 10, 12–15.
Nurhadi Magetsari, A.S. Wibowo, Hasan Djafar, I Gusti Agung Ayu Ratnadi, Ayu Ratnadi, Siti Kusparyanti Budhiono, Sumarti Nurhadi and Ayatrohaedi. 1979. Kamus Arkeologi Indonesia 2. Jakarta: Proyek Penelitian Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Pages 213–214.
Boechari. 1990. “The inscription of Garamān, dated 975 Çaka: A new evidence on Airlangga's partition of his kingdom.” In: Monumen: karya persembahan untuk Prof. Dr. R. Soekmono. Edited by Edi Sedyawati, Ingrid Harriet Eileen Pojoh and Supratikno Rahardjo. Seri Penerbitan Ilmiah 11 (Edisi Khusus). Depok: Lembaran Sastra, Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia, pp. 125–142. Page 129.
Eade, J. C. and Lars Gislén. 2000. Early Javanese inscriptions: A new dating method. Handbuch der Orientalistik. 3. Abt., Südostasien 10. Leiden: Brill. Pages 75–36.
Budi Santosa Wibowo. 2001. “Prasasti-prasasti di Jawa Timur.” Trowulan, p. 44. Page 4.
Ninny Susanti Tejowasono. 2003. “Airlangga: Raja pembaharu di Jawa pada abad ke-11 Masehi.” Thesis, Program Pasca Sarjana Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya Universitas Indonesia. Depok. Pages 406–418, 445–456.
Notes
- 1. The stanza contains an apparent contradiction (virodhābhāsa): two statements appear to contradict each other, and the contradiction is resolved by understanding one of them as a pun (cf. Gerow 1971: 268).
- 2. This stanza, too, contains an apparent contradiction (virodhābhāsa). Cf. n. 10.
- 3. Another virodhābhāsa. Cf. n. 10.
- 4. The words for fame and compassion are both grammatically feminine. The at first sight paradoxical meaning of this pāda is produced by misleading the reader into understanding kīrtyā khaṇḍitayātayā akaruṇayā, ‘with reputation of impeded course and with lack of compassion’, and thinking that strīparatvam is a vice.
- 5. On the name Erlaṅga, see Stutterheim 1929 CHECK PAGE
- 6. The poetic figure here is parisaṁkhyā or niyamavat śleṣa, in which a double-entendre is explicitly limited to its further or irregular sense (Gerow 1971: 298). The stanza thus becomes a nindāstuti or vyājastuti, praise which appears to be criticism.
- 7. This is King Sindok, also called Śrī Īśānavikramadharmottuṅgadeva. His inscriptions are dated to the first half of the tenth century and come from the lower, middle and upper Brantas Valley. For a summary of colonial-period research, see Cœdès 1975: 128. For more up-to-date information, see De Casparis 1988.
- 8. On rājahaṁsa see Vogel 1962:10; on mānasa, ibid. p. 3.
- 9. Her husband, who is identified in the next stanza.
- 10. We assume, with Krom 1914, who argued that the Kancana inscription, internally dated to 782 Śaka and issued by a king called Śrī Mahārāja Śrī Bhūvaṇeśvara Viṣṇusakālātmaka Digvijaya Parăkramotuṁgadeva Lokapălalăñcana, must in fact be dated to 872 Śaka, and that the king intended in that inscription could thus be the same one as the one intended here. We would oppose to Damais’ argument (1955: 26) that the dating elements that he took to confirm the date in 782 Śaka may well have been calculated a posteriori for that year, once the inversion 872/782 had been made, intentionally or unintentionally. For details, see Griffiths 2020: 133–135.
- 11. We are not certain why the poet refers here to the milk-ocean, unless he means the regular ocean by kṣīrārṇava. On the other hand, the conventionally white colour of the Gaṅgā matches the color of the milk-ocean.
- 12. For bhūbhūṣaṇa referring to kings, cf. e.g. Kṣemendra’s Daśāvatāracarita 1.48b: śauryotsāhamahodayāḥ kva bata te bhūbhūṣaṇaṁ bhūmipāḥ ‘Those kings, the ornaments of the earth, who had the pre-eminence of valour and energy — alas, where are they?’.
- 13. This might also allude to the sacred ashes (vibhūti) used by Śaiva ascetics.
- 14. The stanza is a virtuosic example of anuprāsa (alliteration, see Gerow 1971: 102ff).
- 15. This probably means that her father gave her the name Guṇapriyadharmapatnī, and thus he made her the person denoted by that name, that is the future wife of a virtuous king, already when she was born. Other interpretations of this verse are also possible, e.g. “The extremely beautiful daughter of that king was like the royal fortune of Yava (i.e. Java) incarnate thanks to her royal virtues, even though her father was fortunate (i.e. by being happily married) on another island. She was clearly made by him Guṇapriyadharmapatnī by name.” Guṇapriyadharmapatnī could be interpreted as “the lawful wife of one who is fond of virtues” or “a lawful wife who is fond of virtues”, or even “the wife of Dharma, who is fond of virtues”, Dharma being shorthand for Dharmodayanavarmadeva? Inscriptions of Guṇapriyadharmapatnī and Dharmodayanavarmadeva are known from Bali from around the turn of the first millennium (see Damais 1952: 86–7); an inscription of Dharmmodayana Warmmadeva alone is dated to 1011 CE (cf. Damais 1959: 682, Coedès 1975: 129).
- 16. Udayana might have been vyaktāhvaya because his name was well-known from the Br̥hatkathā. Or because udayana means ‘rising’, he might have had an ‘explicit name’, a name that corresponded to his rising in status by marrying the Javanese princess.
- 17. The poetic figure in this verse is antādika yamaka (Gerow 1971: 225): the repeated elements are the last half of the first pāda and the first half of the second. If we pronounced the name of the son as Airlaṅga, we would get another antādika yamaka.
- 18. If Dharmavaṁśa intended to give his daughter to Erlaṅga in marriage, the word sambandhin could be interpreted as “future in-law”. Another possibility is that Dharmavaṁśa was the husband of another daughter of Makuṭavaṁśavardhana. Then his daughter was Erlaṅga’s cousin.
- 19. Since Dharmavaṁśa was the name of both Təguh and Airlaṅga, we have translated śrīdharmavaṁśa iti twice. Cf. line 2 in the Old Javanese part of the inscription.
- 20. The verse could be, and indeed has been, interpreted in two different ways: Dharmavaṁśa invited Erlaṅga to marry his daughter, or he invited him simply as a guest to the wedding of his daughter marrying someone else. See discussion in Boechari 1962: 78–79 n. 43 = 2012: 79–80, n. 24. One might think that the former meaning would have been expressed with a different, clearer construction, e.g. with an infinitive or an Artham-construction (“to marry his daughter”), and perhaps our poet would have been capable of finding a less ambiguous solution to express this. On the other hand this verse might continue the parallelism with Rāma, who was invited to Sītā’s svayaṁvara by Janaka.
- 21. Airlaṅga went to the forest just as Rāma did, both with just a few companions: Rāma with Sītā and Lakṣmaṇa, Airlaṅga with Narottama. Or did Airlaṅga also take his wife with him? Was that wife the daughter of Dharmavaṁśa? The stanza does not seem to allude to this.
- 22. yāte ◇ here translated as though equivalent to the term atīta which is a standard element of Old Javanese dating formulae. See also gate in stanzas XXV and XXVIII. Kern in all these instances translates as locative absolute with the participle indicating little more than ‘in’. This was also how French scholars interpreted similar dating formulae in Cambodia inscriptions (K. 50/589 ś., ISC, p. 73; K. 154/656 ś., IC II, p. 123).
- 23. As de Casparis pointed out (de Caparis 1992:490, n. 16), the last line of this verse is reminiscent of verse 4 (line 8) in the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta (fourth century CE), where Candragupta I addresses Samudragupta with the words nikhilāṁ pāhy evam urvvīm iti. CHECK REF Another parallel, also noticed by de Casparis, is the case of Harṣavardhana (seventh century CE), who, according to Xuanzang, was exhorted by the ministers to become king (Great Tang Record, p. 123f.) CHECK
- 24. Or “in counsel and discussion”.
- 25. Cf. st. XVI on śaktipāta.
- 26. On the conversion of this date, see Damais 1955: 66–67 and Eade & Gislén 2000: 75, 146–147. Damais converted the date to Friday the 6th of November 1041. There is no indication of any problems under the entry for this inscription itself, but we learn much further on in his study (1955: 184) that to arrive at his result, he had to assume the occurrence of intercalation in the Śaka year 963. For reasons about which we are in the dark, Damais failed to mention this important fact under the inscription in question. The chart shown by Eade & Gislén shows that all calendrical and cyclical elements are in place if one assumes intercalation which implies that the inscription’s ‘Kārttika’ may be equated to ‘Mārgaśīrṣa’ in the Indian pañcāṅga ‘calender with five elements’ based on the Sanskrit astronomical treatise Sūryasiddhānta (De Casparis 1978: 7, 23, 53).
- 27. The term (a)piṅhe is discussed by Boechari 2012: 41–42, who shows that it is a synonym of patih; he mentions that the Kamalagyan inscription (959 Śaka) uses varga patih where we have varga apiṅhe, but does not give any interpretation of what varga apiṅhe/patih would mean. Boechari refers to Pigeaud, 1960–63, III, p. 149; IV, p. 385; 468). CHECK.
- 28. Or: ‘taking the same types of food...’.
- 29. On pitu/pituṁ, see Boechari 1962: 79, n. 44, and pages 80–82. Like Boechari, Kern (VG VII, p. 114) also suggests connection of the toponym Īśānabajra with Sindok. Kern already refers to the colophon in Saṅ Hyaṅ Kamahāyānikan lontar, and to Deśavarṇana 20.1, but it seems he doesn’t discuss the issue that Sindok seems here to be associated with Halu, whereas elsewhere he is associated mainly/only with Hino.
- 30. See our lexicographical notes on the base kalimbaṅ.
- 31. It is tempting to connect these haji tṅaḥ ‘kings in the middle’ with the parad[āra]putra hyaṁ ma(ṅ)adg (i v)uru tum(u)ṁgal (i) maddhyadeśaniṁ vurahan who appear in line 20.
- 32. Maybe Vurahan = Vuravan (as in the Sima Anglayang inscr., Mula-Malurung) = Vuravari?
- 33. The suspected subject of this sentence is the king of Vəṅkər.
- 34. We presume that the date 954 goes with what follows, because the Sanskrit text (st. XXVI) dates to the same year an event involving a woman, who can hardly be identified with the putra mentioned in the clause before that which opens with pjaḥ.
- 35. On the words used here, and the problem of what they mean, see n. 187.
- 36. We don’t understand the word naṅ unless it can be a functional equivalent to ta.
- 37. TRY TO CONFIRM KERN’S CLAIM (V.G. VIII: 109 n. 4) THAT THIS IS AN ALLUSION TO THE DRY SEASON, SUITABLE FOR WARFARE. See email from Jiri.
- 38. The reading and the word division of the sequence vvayata is very uncertain. If indeed it must be read and divided vvay ata, the basic meaning is ‘just water’, and we would imagine a connection with the metaphor for destruction implicit in the word pralaya used elsewhere in this text for Airlaṅga’s own troubles.
- 39. We translate kavnaṅ here differently from the occurrence in line 21, because in the present situation the subject of the verb form is already kaparājaya ‘defeated’ (lines 27–28). The passage that follows after kavnaṅ ta sira up to pinakatapakan cannot be interpreted, but the fact that Brandes and Kern read ratu suggest that the King of Vəṅkər was given the privilege of becoming Airlaṅga’s vassal king — could an expression like ratu sāmanta (= Sanskrit sāmantarāja ‘vassal king’, see OJED s.v. sāmanta) be restored in the problematic passage?
- 40. See comparable passage re. pratijñā in the Baru and Terep inscriptions.
- 41. We are unable to verify the reading mayva published by Brandes and Kern. Taking this uncertain reading at face value, we see no other way but to interpret it as a form derived from hayu, though it will be surprising if our text really spells maywa for what would be mahayva in contemporary texts. See the Baru inscription, face A, line 16: yāvat sădhanāniṅ amahayvaṅ bhuvana donanya ‘insofar as the means for realizing the beautification of the world was its aim’.
- 42. On the meaning of nāyakapratyaya, see De Casparis 1956: 19. Although the Dutch scholar did not interpret it as a compound, the close conjunction with the term hājipratyaya in the Old Malay inscription he was studying suggests that nāyakapratyaya could be a compound as well; the fact, mentioned in our note above (n. XX), that the words are not normally separated by a punctuation sign points in the same direction.
- 43. On the sukhaduḥkha, see Boechari 2012: 39–41, esp. p. 40: “sukhaduḥkha bukanlah ‘suka dan duka’, melainkan diterangkan dengan hala hayu, ialah segala perbuatan yang buruk dan yang baik yang terjadi dalam masyarakat, atau seperti yang dimaksudkan di dalam setiap prasasti, yang terjadi dalam lingkungan daerah perdikan. Bahkan sebenarnya hanya perbuatan yang jahat saja yang dimaksudkan. Dengan perkataan lain, sukhaduḥkha ialah segala tindak pidana (yang terjadi di dalam lingkungan daerah perdikan) yang harus dikenai hukuman denda.” Boechari seems to allude to a normative text that gave the explanation hala hayu, but we haven’t yet been able to identify the text in question. For translations of the individual terms, see Boechari 2012: 309–310 (Indonesian) and 510 (English).