N. 503. Charter of Wungandaik, reign of Balitung (898–910 CE)

Authors of digital edition: Arlo Griffiths (argr), Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan (wjsa).

Palaeographic description: Script typical of the inscriptions of the reign of Balitung. The lowest-level punctuation mark takes the shape of a hollow bullet at mean character height.

Language: Old Javanese (kaw) [Kawi (kawi)].

Repository: Nusantara Epigraphy (tfc-nusantara-epigraphy).

Identifier: DHARMA_INSIDENK00503.

File path: xml/DHARMA_INSIDENK00503.xml.

Version: (5e4f1dd), last modified (df4c1c4).

Edition

⟨Page 1r⟩

⟨1r1⟩ Ayam· təAs· pu ḍa(pit·)◦ makudur· pu (sa)mvr̥da◦ (muAṁ saṁ mamu)At· Ujar(·) I kapatihan· kabeḥ kaṇḍamuh(i)-pramukha◦ Ikana(ṁ) mas(·) pasak-pasak· muA⟨ṁ⟩ vḍihan· kaharan· maparaha I s(i)ra kabeḥ⟨◦⟩ ya Ikana(ṁ) p(i)nakaUbhayanira paṅanumoda(nire?)-

⟨1r2⟩ kanaṁ ḍavuhan·◦ kinon· saṁ ra supit· pu pramāṇa maṅasəAkna pasak-pasak· I samgat· gunuṁ rikaṁ kāla pu vudal·⟨◦⟩ vineḥ vḍihan· kalyāga yu 1 mas· su 1⟨◦⟩ samgat· Anakbi pu śaśī vineḥ kain· savaṭa-pakḍyan· vlaḥ 1 mas· mā 8⟨◦⟩ kabaya-

⟨1r3⟩ n· I gunuṁ pu ḍiluk·◦ Anak vanuA I pamilihan· vatak kalum varak·◦ mataṇḍa pu dhanuka◦ Anak vanuA I gammaḥ vatak· vatu humalaṁ◦ juru kalula saṁ katr̥ban·⟨◦⟩ Anak vanuA I sabokan· vatak· Amviran·◦ vineḥ mas· mā 12 ki-

⟨1r4⟩ nabaihannira◦ kabayan· ri Ayam· təAs· 2 mira-miraḥ pu rayuṁ◦ Anak vanuA I mira-miraḥ vatak· vadihati◦ maṁraṅkappi halaran· pu dhanada◦ Anak vanuA I paṇḍamuAn·◦ vatak· vadihati◦ kabayan· I makudur· 2◦ halantaṅan· pu da-

⟨1r5⟩ nta◦ Anak vanuA I ra tguḥ◦ Aṁraṅkappi pataL̥san· pu vīryya◦ vinaiḥ mas· mā 6 sovaṁ hop· vḍihan·◦ sira ri Ayam təAs· milu manusuk· saṁ ra vavu pu lutu⟨◦⟩ Anak vanuA I vugu◦ sīmăniṁ vihāra I vuṅaṇ ḍaik· vatak· hino vine(ḥ)

⟨1r6⟩ vḍihan· yu 1 mas· mā 4 ⟨hop·⟩ paṅaṅkat· I sira◦ muvaḥ sira vinaiḥ mas· pasak-pasak· mā 6⟨◦⟩ sira ri makudur· saṁ lulahan· (pu ma)naṅguṁ◦ Anak vanuA I taṅga vuṅkal· sīma kudur·◦ vinaiḥ vḍihan· yu 1 mas· mā 1◦ hop paṅaṅkat·

⟨1r7⟩ I sira◦ muvaḥ sira vineḥ mas· su 2 mā 1◦ ku 1◦ paknānya paṅmas· I sapariskārani sajiniṁ maṅuyut·◦ tāmbr̥ kāṅsa vsi-vsi Ityevamādi saluIr·nikanaṁ saji◦ patiḥ Air hili si sena ramani Aluṁ◦ vinaiḥ vḍihan· yu 1 ma-

⟨1r8⟩ s· mā 4⟨◦⟩ Anakbiniṁ patiḥ si śukrī mas· mā 4⟨◦⟩ patiḥ lampuran· si (ca/va)ṅgər· ramani balam· vineḥ mas· mā 4◦ parujar·niṁ patiḥ 2 si bhavana ramani Ayud·◦ si tiḍu ramani gampeṁ◦ vineḥ mas· mā 2 kinālihanya◦ vahuta luva-

⟨1r9⟩ kan· si paṭa ramani kāmodaya◦ vineḥ vḍihan· yu 1 mas· mā 4⟨◦⟩ Anakbini vahuta si ḍukun· vineḥ mas· mā 4⟨◦⟩ vahuta tuṅgū duruṁ si tvaran· ramani kaṭot· vineḥ mas· mā 4⟨◦⟩ vahuta lampuran· si tka vineḥ ma[s·]

⟨1r10⟩ mā 2⟨◦⟩ vinkas· si kalā ramani kal(y)an·◦ piluṅgaḥ si kar(tt)ā ramani godhara◦ vineḥ mas· mā 1 sovaṁ◦ rāmanta I muntaṁ kalaṁ si bhavana ramani Ayud· vineḥ vḍihan· yu 1 pirak· mā 2 kalaṁ Anakbi re Aya(m)· [t]ə[As·]

⟨Page 1v⟩

Translation

⟨1r1–1r2⟩ […] ⟨of⟩ Ayam Təas, ⟨named⟩ pu Ḍapit, ⟨of⟩ Makudur, pu Samvr̥da. And the communicators of all the chieftaincies with the one at Kaṇḍamuhi in first place. Gifts of gold and cloths were deemed to be credited (kaharan maparaha) to them all.1 That was their promised donation (pinakaubhayanira paṅanumodanira) to the dam.

⟨1r2–1r5⟩ The one of Ra Supit, ⟨named⟩ pu Pramāṇa, was ordered to offer gifts to:

  • the official of Gunung; at that time, pu Vudal, who was given 1 pair of kalyāga cloth, 1 suvarṇa of gold;

  • the official’s wife, pu Śaśī, who was given 1 half of savaṭapakḍyan cloth,2 8 māṣas of gold.

The seniors of Gunuṅ:

  • pu Ḍilik, native of the village of Pamilihan, district Kalum Varak,

  • the mataṇḍa, pu Dhanuka, native of the village of Gəmah, district Vatu Humalaṅ,

  • the juru kalula, saṅ Katr̥ban, native of the village of Sabokan, district Amviran,

were given 12 māṣas of gold collectively. The 2 seniors of Ayam Təas,

  • ⟨the one at⟩ Mirah-mirah, pu Rayuṅ, native of the village of Mira-mirah, district Vadihati, accompanying

  • ⟨the one at⟩ Halaran, pu Dhanada, native of the village of Paṇḍamuan, district Vadihati;

⟨and⟩ the 2 seniors of Makudur:

  • ⟨the one at⟩ Halantaṅan, pu Danta, native of the village of Ra Təguh, accompanying

  • ⟨the one at⟩ Patəlasan, pu Vīrya,

were given 6 māṣas of gold each, plus cloth.

⟨1v5–1v7⟩ The one from Ayam Təas who joined in the demarcation, the one of Ra Vavu, ⟨named⟩ pu Lutu—native of the village of Vugu, benefice of the monastery of Vuṅaṇḍaik, district Hino—was given 1 pair of cloth, 4 māṣas of gold, plus a raising fee (paṅaṅkat) for him.3 Moreover he was given gifts of 6 māṣas of gold. The one from Makudur, the one of Lulahan, ⟨named⟩ pu Manaṅguṅ, native of the village of Taṅga Vuṅkal, benefice of Kudur, district Hino, was given 1 pair of cloth, 1 māṣas of gold, plus a raising fee for him. Moreover he was given 2 suvarṇas, 1 māṣa, 1 kupaṅ of gold to be used as cash advance (? paṅəmas) for the utensils for the offerings of the one who made the invocation: copper, bronze, iron pieces, etc. — all kinds of offering.4

⟨1r7–1r10⟩ The chief of Air Hili, si Sena, father of Aluṅ, was given 1 pair of cloth, 4 māṣas of gold. The chief’s wife, si Śukrī, ⟨was given⟩ 4 māṣas of gold. The chief of Lampuran, si Caṅgər (or Vaṅgər), father of Balam, was given 4 māṣas of gold. The chief’s 2 spokespeople, si Bhavana, father of Ayud, ⟨and⟩ si Tiḍu, father of Gampeṅ, were given 2 māṣas of gold together. The vahuta of Luvakan, si Paṭa, father of Kāmodaya, was given 1 pair of cloth, 4 māṣas of gold. The vahuta’s wife, si Ḍukun, was given 4 māṣas of gold. The vahuta of Tuṅgu Duruṅ, si Tvaran, father of Kaṭot, was given 4 māṣas of gold. The vahuta of Lampuran, si Təka, was given 2 māṣas of gold. The vinəkas, si Kalā, father of Kalyan, ⟨and⟩ the assistant, si Kartā, father of Godhara, were given 1 māṣa of gold each. The headman of Muntaṅ, the kalaṅ, ⟨named⟩ si Bhavana, father of Ayud, was given 1 pair of cloth, 2 māṣas of silver. The kalaṅ’s wife, the headwoman/mother ⟨of⟩ Ayam Təas ...

Commentary

The charter is not intact. The single extant plate mentions a grant (anumoda) of or to a dam, as well as gifts of gold and textiles to various officials. The text is cut off at the start and end of the single engraved side of the plate, which is therefore believed to be neither the first nor last in the original set. The start of the text, suspected to contain the date and name of the issuing king, is lost. However, the names of officials mentioned in the extant portion allow us to place this inscription in the reign of King Balitung.

Bibliography

Digital edition based on the publication by the BRIN-EFEO team (Titi Surti Nastiti et al. forthcoming).

Primary

Titi Surti Nastiti, Andri Restyadi, Lisda Meyanti, Arlo Griffiths, Adeline Levivier, Eko Bastiawan, Tyassanti Kusumo Dewanti and Tri Subekso. forthcoming. Survei prasasti zaman Hindu-Buddha di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta dan Provinsi Jawa Tengah, tahun 2025. No place. Part ???

Notes

  1. 1. In related contexts, we generally find maparah(a) without kaharan, although there are also some other passages where kaharan precedes as it does here, the best preserved one being in Wanua Tengah III 2r10–2r14. It is hard to know for certain what kaharan “as it were, considered as” is adding in these contexts, but we imagine a reallocation of gifts stated to have been offered to representatives of an institution (which would here had happened in the lost part of charter) to other people also listed (only the last two of whom preserved here). The alternative would be to assume that maparah was felt to have a primary meaning of which “to be credited to, to benefit to” was only a metaphorical secondary sense, while the literal primary meaning “to be directed to”. In cases where maparah is used without kaharan, the metaphorical sense would then be used without explicit marker of metaphor (asyndeton).

  2. 2. The cloth term is not known from any other source and its meaning remains opaque. We of course recognize the base kəḍi “eunuch” and perhaps also vaṭa “banyan tree”.

  3. 3. The term paṅaṅkat, of frequent occurrence in the Balitung corpus but also in some Sindok inscriptions, designated a “remuneration for performing a function?” (OJED). We speculate that it has to do with lifting up one or more of the necessary stones and placing them in position. It seems to be used consistently for those people directly involved in the ceremony: the saṅ vadihati and the saṅ makudur.

  4. 4. Our translation “cash advance” for paṅəmas is a guess. See the occurrence of paṅəmas in Tija Haru-Haru, where it seems to refer to a fee or tax that perhaps illegitimately goes to the nāyaka. The fact that the Makudur received so much more gold than the Ayam Teas may be explained by the idea that it was a cash advance to pay for utensils.