Tihang charter (Sañjaya 198, 836 Śaka, 914-11-08 CE)
Editors: Tyassanti Kusumo Dewanti, Arlo Griffiths.
Identifier: DHARMA_INSIDENKTihang.
Language: Old Javanese.
Repository: Nusantara Epigraphy (tfc-nusantara-epigraphy).
Version: (9d06222), last modified (e0c683b).
Edition
⟨Page 1r⟩
⟨Page 1v⟩⟨left: 1⟩ ⟨1v1⟩ || @ || svastha śrī-sañjaya-varṣātīta 198 I śaka 836 kārttika-māsa tithi tr̥tĭya kr̥ṣṇa-pakṣa, vurukuṁ vagai Aṅgāra-vāra, Adrā-nakṣatra, śubha-yoga, si(ṁ)hajaya, divasani [Ājñā śrī ma]⟨1v2⟩hārāja rake hino śrī dakṣottama-bāhubajra-pratipakṣa-kṣaya śrī mahottuṅgavijaya, kumonnakan· Ikanaṁ vanuA ri tihaṁ vatak· tiru raṇu, susukan· sīmāni dharmma śrī parameśvarī I [saliṅsiṅan·] ⟨1v3⟩ paṅguhanya pasaṁ gunuṁ pirak· dhā 6 Avur· dhā 7 pamuAtniṁ kalaṁ dhā 1 həbni pilaṁdhā 5 parmmasanniṅ uṇḍahagi mā 1, parmasanniṁ maṅanam· mā 4 palān· dhā 1 pabayai mā 2 sikpan· mā 4 pavalyan· mā (4/5) [Iṁ sata]⟨1v4⟩hun·, hurip· lekniṁ tuhălas· pirak· mā 1 ku 1 riṁ salek·, kaṭik· 1 kapuA maparaha rikana dharmma śrī parameśvarī, māryya Ikanaṁ vanuA ri tihaṁ An· pabuAt-thaji riṁ kataṇḍān·, kalaṁnya māryya mabuAt-tha⟨1v5⟩ji riṁ patiḥ limpar·, saṁ hyaṁ dharmma Ataḥ pabuAt-thajyananya, samaṅkana sukha-duḥkhanya kady aṅgāniṁ mayaṁ tan· mavuAḥ, ḍaṇḍa-kuḍaṇḍa bhaṇḍihālādi tumamā ri saṁ hyaṅ dharmma Ataḥ Ikana kabeḥ, parṇnahanikanaṁ ⟨1v6⟩ vanuA ri tihaṁ tan· katamāna de saṁ mānak· katrīṇi paṅkur· tavān· tirip·, muAṁ soĀraniṁ maṅilala drabya haji, kriṁ paḍam apuy·, pamaṇikan·, maṇiga, lva, malandaṁ, maṁhūri, makalaṅkaṁ, tapa haji, ⟨1v7⟩ Air haji, maṁguñjai, maṁrumvai, tuha dagaṁ, tuhān ⟨n⟩ambi, tuhān hañjaman·, paṇḍai, kdi ⟨,⟩ valyan·, paraṇakan·, tuha paḍahi, vidu⟨,⟩ maṅiduṁ, varahan·, sambal·, sumbul·, vatak i dalam·, siṅgaḥ pamr̥rṣi, hulun haji ⟨1v8⟩ Ityaivamādi, tan· tumamā rikanaṁ vanuA ri tihaṁ, Ājñă haji kinonnakan· Ikanaṁ masambyavahāra hana ṅkāna hīṅ-hīṅana kvehanya, paṇḍai mas·, paṇḍai vsi, tambaga, gaṅsa prakāra, tluṅ ububan· riṁ satu⟨1v9⟩hān· tluṁ tuhān· riṁ sasīma, macadar· 4 maṅaraḥ tluṁ lumpaṁ, maguluṅan· tluṅ pasaṅ, samaṅkana tan· knā de saṁ maṅilala drabya haji, yāpuAn· lviḥ kvaiḥnya saṅkā rikanaṁ paṅhīṁ-hīṁ Iriya, knāna Ikana sa⟨1v10⟩kalviḥnya de saṁ maṅilala soddhāra haji, kunaṁ Ikanaṁ mañambul·, mamubut·, mañavriṁ, maṁlākha, maṅapus·, maṅubar·, matarub·, manahab· manuk·, mamisaṇḍuṁ, mamukat· vuṅkudu, maṁdyūn·, maṁgu⟨1v11⟩la, maṁhapū, Ityaivamādi sakvaiḥnikanaṁ makakarmma maṅkana, kapuA ya tribhāgān· ruAṁ dūman· Umarā ri saṁ hyaṁ dharmma, sadūman· marā ri saṁ maṅilala drabya haji, nāhan· parṇnaḥnikanaṁ vanuA ri tihaṁ, An· ⟨1v12⟩ sinusuk· punpunanani dharmma śri parameśvarī I saliṅsiṅan·, kinon· humarappa Ikanaṁ susukan· sīma samgat· vulakan· pu vijayī,
kinon· sira de śrī parameśvarī maṅaṅsəAkna pasamvaḥ ri śrī mahārā⟨1v13⟩ja vḍihan· jaro guluṁ-guluṁ yu 1 mas pagəḥ su 1 mā 4 rakryān· mapatiḥ muAṁ taṇḍa rakryān· saṁ kna pasak-pasak riṁ susukan· sīma riṁ daṅū, rakryān halu pu kituḥ, rakryān· vka pu havaṁ, rakryān· ⟨1v14⟩ gurun baṅi pūttarabalavikiraṇa, tiruAn· pu cakradhara, maṁhūri pūdara, halaran· pu mañā, palar hyaṁ pu khaṭvāṅga, dalinan· pu taṅglan·, kapuA sira kabaiḥ makobhaya Ikanaṁ pasak-pasak· [2+]
Apparatus
⟨1v1⟩ svastha ⬦ svasti Boe • The use of svastha as opening exclamation in place of the near universal svasti is among the specific features of the Daksa inscriptions which are dated in the Sanjaya era. ⟨1v1⟩ si(ṁ)hajaya Boe • The presence of the anusvāra is not evident on the photo of the plate yet its presence seems plausible, because siṁha is a known word while siha is not. Since this term is quite rare to be found, we try to break it down as soon as we understand the existence of a rāśi called siṁha, though the element jaya which follows is not really clear. However, this siṁhajaya element should still belong to the calendrical elements due to the punctuation sign which is put after it to mark the beginning of a new phrase. ⟨1v1⟩ divasani [Ājñā śrī ma]hārāja Boe • Boechari’s restitution helps us obtain a structure that is also found in Barahasrama (1v1). Notice that the irika which usually precedes this expression is absent – which is extremely unusual. So we are inclined to supply the expected word and edit [Irika] divasani [Ājñā śrī ma]hārāja. What makes us hesitate is that the final word of the dating formula, si(ṁ)hajaya, is equally unusual. ⟨1v2⟩ saliṅsiṅan Boe • The same toponym appears in 1v12 ⟨1v3⟩ mā Boe ⟨1v5⟩ bhaṇḍihālādi Boe ⟨1v6⟩ maṇiga ⬦ maniga Boe. ⟨1v6⟩ lva Boe • Note 1 Boechari (2012: 492): “Pasangan di bawah huruf la memang kelihatan seperti pasangan wa di tempat-tempat yang lain. Tetapi di sini rupa-rupanya penatah prasasti membuat kesalahan; pasangan itu mestinya lebih runcing di depan, karena yang mestinya ditulis di sini ialah lca.” We see no objection to reading lva here instead of lca. Zoetmulder (1982:1000) already observed that lva and lca denote the same category of vatək i jro. ⟨1v7⟩ pamr̥rṣi Boe • Note 2 Boechari (2012: 492): “Di atas huruf ṣi jelas kelihatan layar yang dihubungkan dengan tanda ulu. Layar itu mestinya tidak perlu.” ⟨1v8⟩ Ityaivamādi Boe ⟨1v13⟩ kituḥ Boe • Note 3 Boechari (2012: 494): “Kita agak ragu antara h dan t di sini. Bahwa di sini dipilih t hanyalah berdasarkan perasaan bahwa kituḥ lebih enak didengar dari kihuḥ. Sayang bahwa satu-satunya prasasti raja Dakṣa yang lain yang kita kenal hingga sekarang, yaitu prasasti Timbanan Wuṅkal tahun 196 Sañjayawarṣa (OJO, XXXV), tidak menyebut nama orang yang menjabat rakryan mapatiḥ i halu.” To our mind, the akṣara in question is unquestionably tu.
Translation into English
(1v1–2) Happiness! Elapsed Śrī Sañjaya year 198. In Śaka 836, month of Kārttika, third tithi of the waning fortnight, Vurukuṅ, Vagai, Tuesday, lunar mansion Ārdrā, conjunction Śubha, siṁhajaya. [That was] the time of the decree of the Great King, the Lord of Hino, Śrī Dakṣottama-bāhubajra-pratipakṣa-kṣaya Śrī Mahottuṅgavijaya, ordering the village of Tihaṅ, district of Tiru Raṇu, to be demarcated as a freehold for the foundation of Śrī Parameśvarī at Saliṅsiṅan.
(1v3–5) Its pasaṅ gunuṅ revenue is:
- 6 dhāraṇa of silver, 7 dhāraṇa of avur, 1 dhāraṇa of kalaṅ’s offering, 5 dhāraṇa of həbni pilaṅ;1 māṣa of the carpenters’ parmasan (tax), 4 māṣa of the weavers’ parmasan, 1 dhāraṇa of palān,2 māṣa of [parmasan of] the pabayai,4 māṣa of [parmasan of] the sikpan, 4/5 māṣa of [parmasan of] the pavalyan per year
- the hurip lek of the forest inspector [amounting to] 1 māṣa [and] 1 kupaṅ of silver per month,
- (and) 1 permanent contribution of one servant (kaṭik).
All of it will be credited to the foundation of Śrī Parameśvarī. The village of Tihang shall stop carrying out royal corvée for the group of taṇḍas. Its kalaṅs shall stop carrying out royal corvée for the patih ofLimpar. Its place for royal corvée shall only be the holy foundation. Likewise all sorts of ‘pain and relief’ — ‘the areca flower that does not bear fruit’, beating, bhaṇḍihāla, etc., they all shall enter only into [the sources of revenue] of the holy fondation.
(1v5–8) The status of the village of Tihaṅ shall be [that] it shall not be entered by the three high dignitaries: the paṅkur, the tavān, the tirip and all the collectors of royal revenue, (namely) the kriṅ, the padam apuy, the pamaṇikan, the maṇiga, the lva, the malandaṅ, the maṅhūri, the makalaṅkaṅ, the tapa haji, the air haji, the maṅguñjai, the maṅrumvai, the overseer of merchants, the overseer of Nambis, the overseers of Hañjamans, (the overseer) of the skilled workers, the eunuchs, the healers, the paraṇakan, the overseer of the drummers, singing actor, the varahan, the sambal, the sumbul, the courtiers, the siṅgah, the pamr̥ṣi, the servants of the king, and so forth, shall not enter the village of Tihang.
(1v8–12) The king’s order: An order was given regarding the traders present there, that their number should be limited. (Those are:)
the goldsmiths, the ironsmiths, the copper smiths, any sort of bell-metal smiths, three bellows per master, three masters in the whole si̇̄ma,
cadar workers 4, arah workers 3 pounding blocks, wagoners 3 yokes.
All of them should not be impacted by the tax collectors of royal tax. If their number surpasses the limit, all the surplus should be impacted by the tax collectors.
As for those who paint black, who produce turnery, who make cavriṅ, who dye things into red, who bind, who work with dye, who make the tarub, who catch the bird with net, who catch bird in a snare, who tie the wuṅkuḍu, who make pots,who make sugar, who make lime, and so on for everyone who does such any labour there. All will be divided into three. Two shares will accrue to the holy foundation, one share will accrue to the collectors of royal revenue. Such is the status of the village of Tihang, as it is demarcated to be the domain of Śrī Parameśvarī’s foundation at Saliṅsinan.
(1v12–14) The official of vulakan (called) pu Vijayī was ordered to make preparations for it being demarcated as a freehold. He was ordered by Śrī Parameśvarī to offer as token of reverence to the Great King: 1 pairof jaro guluṅ-guluṅ cloth, 1 suvarṇa and 4 māṣa of confirmatory gold. The Lord minister and the taṇḍa rakryān who were recipient of tribute during the former freehold ceremonies, the Lord of Halu (called) pu Kituh, the Lord ofVka (called) pu Havaṅ, the Lordof Gurun Vaṅi (called) pu Uttara-balavi-kiraṇa, the tiruan (called) pu Cakradhara, the maṅhūri (called) pu Udara, the halaran (called) pu Mañā, the palar hyaṅ (called) pu Khaṭvāṅga, the dalinan (called) pu Taṅglan, all of them agreed for the tribute ….
Bibliography
Primary
[Boe] Boechari. 2012. “Transkripsi (dan terjemahan) aneka prasasti.” In: Melacak sejarah kuno Indonesia lewat prasasti / Tracing ancient Indonesian history through inscriptions. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia (KPG); Departemen Arkeologi, Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya, Universitas Indonesia; École française d'Extrême-Orient, pp. 473–528. Pages 492–494, item VII, figure 20.
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<lem>svastha</lem>
<rdg source="bib:Boechari2012_33">svasti</rdg>
<note>The use of <foreign>svastha</foreign> as opening exclamation in place of the near universal <foreign>svasti</foreign> is among the specific features of the Daksa inscriptions which are dated in the Sanjaya era.<!-- See our remarks, § Specific features n.2. --></note>
</app>
<app loc="1v1">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">si<unclear>ṁ</unclear>hajaya</lem>
<note>The presence of the <foreign>anusvāra </foreign> is not evident on the photo of the plate yet its presence seems plausible, because <foreign>siṁha</foreign> is a known word while <foreign>siha</foreign> is not. Since this term is quite rare to be found, we try to break it down as soon as we understand the existence of a <foreign>rāśi </foreign>called <foreign>siṁha, </foreign>though the element <foreign>jaya </foreign>which follows is not really clear. However, this <foreign>siṁhajaya </foreign>element should still belong to the calendrical elements due to the punctuation sign which is put after it to mark the beginning of a new phrase.</note>
</app>
<app loc="1v1">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">divasani <supplied reason="lost">Ājñā śrī ma</supplied>hārāja</lem>
<note>Boechari’s restitution helps us obtain a structure that is also found in Barahasrama (1v1). Notice that the <foreign>irika</foreign> which usually precedes this expression is absent – which is extremely unusual. So we are inclined to supply the expected word and edit [<foreign>Irika</foreign>] <foreign>divasani</foreign> [<foreign>Ājñā śrī ma</foreign>]<foreign>hārāja</foreign>. What makes us hesitate is that the final word of the dating formula, <foreign>si(ṁ)hajaya</foreign>, is equally unusual.</note>
</app>
<app loc="1v2">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">saliṅsiṅan</lem>
<note>The same toponym appears in 1v12</note>
</app>
<app loc="1v3">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">mā</lem>
</app>
<app loc="1v5">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">bhaṇḍihālādi</lem>
</app>
<app loc="1v6">
<lem>maṇiga</lem>
<rdg source="bib:Boechari2012_33">maniga</rdg>
</app>
<app loc="1v6">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">lva</lem>
<note>Note 1 Boechari (2012: 492): “Pasangan di bawah huruf <foreign>la</foreign> memang kelihatan seperti pasangan <foreign>wa</foreign> di tempat-tempat yang lain. Tetapi di sini rupa-rupanya penatah prasasti membuat kesalahan; pasangan itu mestinya lebih runcing di depan, karena yang mestinya ditulis di sini ialah <foreign>lca</foreign>.” We see no objection to reading <foreign>lva</foreign> here instead of <foreign>lca</foreign>. Zoetmulder (1982:1000) already observed that<foreign> lva</foreign> and <foreign>lca</foreign> denote the same category of <foreign>vatək i jro</foreign>.</note>
</app>
<app loc="1v7">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">pamr̥rṣi</lem>
<note>Note 2 Boechari (2012: 492): “Di atas huruf <foreign>ṣi</foreign> jelas kelihatan layar yang dihubungkan dengan tanda ulu. Layar itu mestinya tidak perlu.”</note>
</app>
<app loc="1v8">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">Ityaivamādi</lem>
</app>
<app loc="1v13">
<lem source="bib:Boechari2012_33">kituḥ</lem>
<note>Note 3 Boechari (2012: 494): “Kita agak ragu antara <foreign>h</foreign> dan <foreign>t</foreign> di sini. Bahwa di sini dipilih <foreign>t</foreign> hanyalah berdasarkan perasaan bahwa <foreign>kituḥ</foreign> lebih enak didengar dari <foreign>kihuḥ</foreign>. Sayang bahwa satu-satunya prasasti raja Dakṣa yang lain yang kita kenal hingga sekarang, yaitu prasasti Timbanan Wuṅkal tahun 196 Sañjayawarṣa (OJO, XXXV), tidak menyebut nama orang yang menjabat rakryan mapatiḥ i halu.” To our mind, the <foreign>akṣara</foreign> in question is unquestionably <foreign>tu</foreign>.</note>
</app>
</div>
<div type="translation" xml:lang="eng">
<p>(1v1–2) Happiness! Elapsed Śrī Sañjaya year 198. In Śaka 836, month of Kārttika, third <foreign>tithi</foreign> of the waning fortnight, Vurukuṅ, Vagai, Tuesday, lunar mansion Ārdrā, conjunction Śubha, <foreign>siṁhajaya. </foreign>[That was] the time of the decree of the Great King, the Lord of Hino, Śrī Dakṣottama-bāhubajra-pratipakṣa-kṣaya Śrī Mahottuṅgavijaya, ordering the village of Tihaṅ, district of Tiru Raṇu, to be demarcated as a freehold for the foundation of Śrī Parameśvarī at Saliṅsiṅan.</p>
<p>(1v3–5) Its <foreign>pasaṅ gunuṅ</foreign> revenue is:</p>
<p>- 6<foreign> dhāraṇa</foreign> of silver, 7 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of <foreign>avur</foreign>, 1 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of <foreign>kalaṅ</foreign>'s offering, 5 <foreign>dhāraṇa</foreign> of <foreign>həbni pilaṅ</foreign>;<foreign/>1 <foreign>māṣa </foreign>of the carpenters’ <foreign>parmasan</foreign> (tax), 4 <foreign>māṣa </foreign>of the weavers’ <foreign>parmasan</foreign>, 1 <foreign>dhāraṇa </foreign>of <foreign>palān</foreign>,<foreign/>2 <foreign>māṣa </foreign>of [<foreign>parmasan</foreign> of] the <foreign>pabayai</foreign>,<foreign/>4 <foreign>māṣa </foreign>of [<foreign>parmasan</foreign> of] the <foreign>sikpan,</foreign> 4/5 <foreign>māṣa</foreign> of [<foreign>parmasan</foreign> of] the <foreign>pavalyan</foreign> per year</p>
<p>- the <foreign>hurip lek</foreign> of the forest inspector [amounting to] 1 <foreign>māṣa </foreign>[and] 1 <foreign>kupaṅ</foreign> of silver per month,</p>
<p>- (and) 1 permanent contribution of one servant (<foreign>kaṭik</foreign>).</p>
<p>All of it will be credited to the foundation of Śrī Parameśvarī. The village of Tihang shall stop carrying out royal corvée for the group of <foreign>taṇḍa</foreign>s<foreign>.</foreign> Its <foreign>kalaṅ</foreign>s shall stop carrying out royal corvée for the <foreign>patih </foreign>of<foreign/>Limpar<foreign>. </foreign>Its place for royal corvée shall only be the holy foundation<foreign>.</foreign> Likewise all sorts of ‘pain and relief’ — ‘the areca flower that does not bear fruit’, beating,<foreign> bhaṇḍihāla</foreign>, etc.<foreign>, </foreign>they all shall enter only into [the sources of revenue] of the holy fondation.</p>
<p>(1v5–8) The status of the village of Tihaṅ shall be [that] it shall not be entered by the three high dignitaries: the <foreign>paṅkur</foreign>, the <foreign>tavān</foreign>, the <foreign>tirip </foreign>and all the collectors of royal revenue, (namely) the <foreign>kriṅ, </foreign>the <foreign>padam apuy</foreign>, the<foreign> pamaṇikan, </foreign>the<foreign> maṇiga, </foreign>the <foreign>lva, </foreign>the <foreign>malandaṅ</foreign>, the <foreign>maṅhūri</foreign>, the <foreign>makalaṅkaṅ, </foreign>the <foreign>tapa haji</foreign>, the <foreign>air haji, </foreign>the <foreign>maṅguñjai, </foreign>the <foreign>maṅrumvai</foreign>, the overseer of merchants, the <foreign>overseer </foreign>of Nambis<foreign>, </foreign>the overseers of Hañjamans, (the overseer) of the skilled workers, the eunuchs, the healers, the <foreign>paraṇakan</foreign>, the overseer of the drummers, singing actor, the <foreign>varahan</foreign>, the <foreign>sambal</foreign>, the<foreign/> <foreign>sumbul, </foreign>the courtiers, the <foreign>siṅgah, </foreign>the <foreign>pamr̥ṣi</foreign>, the servants of the king, and so forth, shall not enter the village of Tihang.</p>
<p>(1v8–12) The king’s order: An order was given regarding the traders present there, that their number should be limited. (Those are:)</p>
<p>the goldsmiths, the ironsmiths, the copper smiths, any sort of bell-metal smiths, three bellows per master, three masters in the whole <foreign>si̇̄ma</foreign>,</p>
<p><foreign>cadar </foreign>workers 4<foreign>, arah </foreign>workers 3 pounding blocks<foreign>, </foreign>wagoners 3 yokes.<foreign/></p>
<p>All of them should not be impacted by the tax collectors of royal tax. If their number surpasses the limit, all the surplus should be impacted by the tax collectors.</p>
<p>As for those who paint black, who produce turnery, who make <foreign>cavriṅ, </foreign>who dye things into red, who bind, who work with dye, who make the tarub, who catch the bird with net, who catch bird in a snare, who tie the <foreign>wuṅkuḍu</foreign>, who make pots,who make sugar, who make lime, and so on for everyone who does such any labour there. All will be divided into three. Two shares will accrue to the holy foundation<foreign>, </foreign>one share will accrue to the collectors of royal revenue. Such is the status of the village of Tihang, as it is demarcated to be the domain of Śrī Parameśvarī’s foundation at Saliṅsinan.</p>
<p>(1v12–14) The official of <foreign>vulakan </foreign>(called)<foreign> pu</foreign> Vijayī was ordered to make preparations for it being demarcated as a freehold. He was ordered by Śrī Parameśvarī to offer as token of reverence to the Great King: 1 pair<foreign/>of <foreign>jaro guluṅ-guluṅ</foreign> cloth, 1 <foreign>suvarṇa</foreign> and 4 <foreign>māṣa</foreign> of confirmatory gold<foreign>. </foreign>The Lord minister <foreign/>and the<foreign> taṇḍa rakryān </foreign>who were recipient of tribute during the former freehold ceremonies, the Lord of Halu (called) <foreign>pu </foreign>Kituh, the Lord of<foreign/>Vka (called) <foreign>pu</foreign> Havaṅ, the Lord<foreign/>of Gurun Vaṅi (called) <foreign>pu </foreign>Uttara<foreign>-</foreign>balavi-kiraṇa<foreign>, </foreign>the <foreign>tiruan</foreign> (called) <foreign>pu </foreign>Cakradhara, the <foreign>maṅhūri </foreign>(called) <foreign>pu </foreign>Udara, the <foreign>halaran </foreign>(called) pu Mañā, the <foreign>palar hyaṅ </foreign>(called) <foreign>pu </foreign>Khaṭvāṅga, the <foreign>dalinan </foreign>(called) <foreign>pu </foreign>Taṅglan, all of them agreed for the tribute ….</p>
</div>
<div type="commentary">
<p>1v1 The meaning of the element <foreign>siṅhajaya</foreign> in the dating formula is obscure. If we compare other inscriptions of this period, we find only two others that have any element between <foreign>yoga</foreign> and <foreign>irika divasa</foreign>. They are <foreign>nairti-deśa</foreign> in Lintakan 1r1 and <foreign>tvaṣṭā-devatā</foreign> in Sugih Manek A4. Siṅhajaya cannot be a name of a <foreign>deśa</foreign> nor can it be the name of a <foreign>devatā</foreign>. There is a <foreign>rāśi</foreign> (zodiac sign) called Siṅha, but it does not appear in dating formulas before the 13th c.. See more in the apparatus 1v1.</p>
<p>Gomperts 2001: 110, 2000: 101–02.</p>
<p>de Casparis 1978: 53–54.</p>
<p>1v2 The village of Tihang does not figure elsewhere. Yet, the Tiru Raṇu district is attested in Poh (1v15), Palepangan (1v13), Bhatari (1v10) and Lintakan (3r7). The latter is written with a dental <foreign>n</foreign>.</p>
<p>1v2 The toponym <foreign>saliṅsiṅan</foreign> figures for the first time in the Kurambitan stone (ca. 700 Saka), in a form of an inscribed <foreign>liṅga</foreign>. It tells about a demarcation of 3 <foreign>tampah </foreign>of wet rice field in Kurambitan to be a <foreign>sīma</foreign> for the religious foundation (<foreign>dharmma</foreign>) at Saliṅsiṅan by the official<foreign/>(<foreign>pamgat</foreign>) of Tiru Ranu called <foreign>pu </foreign>Apus. In 796 Saka, <foreign>pu </foreign>Apus, who apparently has become the official (<foreign>pamgat</foreign>) of<foreign> hino</foreign>, demarcated the land of the religious foundation at Salingsingan into a <foreign>sīma</foreign> along with a wet rice field in Sri Manggala. This information is attested in the Sri Manggala stone. In the Salingsingan plate, dated 802 Saka, the deity of Salinsingan is mentioned in a context where the Great King, Lord of Kayuwangi presents some gold offerings to Him. Salingsingan figures again in the Indrakila stone, 804 Saka, as a region under district Wantil, before finally being mentioned here in this charter. About the location of this toponym, Soekmono, on the basis of the find spot of the Sri Manggala stone, proposed that Salingsingan might be located on the west slope of Mount Merapi. He went further by stating that the <foreign>dharma I saliṅsingan </foreign>may refer to either Candi Asu or Candi Lumbung. Another conjecture on the location of Salingsingan was brought up recently by Hadi Sidomulyo in his comment for toponyms mentioned in Tantu Panggelaran. The discussion figures under the toponym Arega Sela, which may be located in what is today Mount Goromanik, south of Pekalongan. Within this vicinity, a village named Rogoselo, which seems to retain the old toponym Arega Sela, has been remarked for its pre-Islam antiquities. Apart from it, Hadi Sidomulyo also noticed a name of a Moslem figure, Pangeran Slingsingan, among the Muslim graves in Rogoselo, which rings to him a place name Salingsingan, figures in several old Javanese inscriptions. Not a coincidence, in the east of Rogoselo, near a village named Reban, there was found the stele of Indrokilo, which records the purchase of land at Salingsingan for the benefit of a deity at Dihyang (Dieng). Hadi Sidomulyo then concluded that Salingsingan may locate close to the provenance of that inscription.</p>
<p>Stutterheim 1934: 85–93, Sarkar 1971–72, vol. I: 181–82 (no. XXVIII).</p>
<p>Brandes 1896: 89, 112, Sarkar 1971–72, vol. I: 194–96 (no. XXXII).</p>
<p>Cohen Stuart 1875: 20–1 (KO X), Sarkar 1971–72, vol. I: 232–40 (no. XLII).</p>
<p>Fifia Wardhani 2003, Edhie Wurjantoro 2018: 107–12.</p>
<p>Soekmono 1974: 66.</p>
<p>Robson and Hadi Sidomulyo 2021: 127–28.</p>
<p>1v3 Regarding <foreign>pasaṅ gunuṅ, </foreign>the meaning of this term is still not clear. It often figures in the 10th century charters. Cf. Wulakan (2r8), Kaladi (10r3), Rumwiga I (1v12), Rumwiga II (1v4). Based on the context given in the texts where it appears, Goris suggests that it is connected to tax payment<foreign/>and synonymous with <foreign>pasaṅ vukir. </foreign>In inscriptions coming from Airlangga period, Kusambyan (B33) and Sima Anglayang (17r2–3), the term <foreign>pasaṅ giri </foreign>that might be synonymous with <foreign>pasaṅ gunuṅ </foreign>appears. In Modern Javanese and Bahasa indonesia, the term <foreign>pasaṅ giri </foreign>still exists. It means ‘condition, promise’ and ‘lottery’ in Modern Javanese, while in Bahasa Indonesia it means ‘sayembara dengan hadiah bagi pemenang terbaik atau yang unggul’.</p>
<p>Goris 1954 vol. II: 286.</p>
<p>1v3 The term <foreign>avur</foreign> might denote a sort of tax or payment also, but we do not know any single detail of it. Cf. Kasugihan (1v7).</p>
<p>1v3 Unidentified <foreign>həbni pilaṅ </foreign>term is not attested elsewhere in the Old Javanese epigraphic corpus, but since it figures in the list of the revenue, it must be a kind of levy. It is interesting to note that the word <foreign>pilaṅ </foreign>appears in the Wuru Tunggal inscription (1r7) as a toponym.</p>
<p>1v3 Still part of the list of revenue, the term <foreign>palān</foreign> is not attested elsewhere either. However, the second syllable, <foreign>lān</foreign>, is attested in the Wanua Tengah III inscription, along with <foreign>savah, </foreign>where its meaning also remains unknown but possibly linked to the word <foreign>lahan</foreign> in Malay.</p>
<p>1v3 The term <foreign>pabayai </foreign>is common to be found in the Airlangga period but is then written as <foreign>pabaye.</foreign> OJED records it under the base word <foreign>baye</foreign>/<foreign>bayai</foreign>, with the gloss ‘a functionary in a temple’. Cf. Cane (face C & d, line 8), Munggut (2.11), Anjatan (1r1), Turun Hyang (A23), Kemulan (line 6).</p>
<p>1v3 More than one instance of abbreviated expression are found in this sequence of revenue-related terms <foreign>pabayai</foreign>, <foreign>sikpan</foreign>,<foreign/>and <foreign>pavalyan</foreign> are in a parallel mention with <foreign>uṇḍahagi </foreign>and <foreign>maṅanam</foreign>, in which both of them are completed with <foreign>parmmasan</foreign>. Here, we assume that the inscription continues the list by eliding the word <foreign>parmmasan</foreign>. Such abbreviated expression is a common practice in epigraphic lists. In Sugih Manek, a shortening occurs when listing the gifts. The word <foreign>mas</foreign> (gold) is often omitted when the previous mention already stated that. The expression <foreign>sovaṅ-sovaṅ </foreign>also gets cut off, hence only one <foreign>sovaṅ </foreign>appears. Cf. Sugih Manek (A30–B15).</p>
<p>1v4 The term <foreign>hurip lek</foreign> must be linked to the <foreign>pjah lek </foreign>mentioned in the Barahasrama plate (1v3). The fact that these terms have opposite meanings implies a binary opposition either regarding periodicity of payment or its aim.</p>
<p>1v5 The toponym Limpar is also attested in the Kamalagi stone inscription (A17) as a <foreign>lungguh</foreign> of the same function, <foreign>patih ri limpar</foreign>, while in the Haliwangbang plate that belongs to the set of Polengan charters, Limpar figures as one of the <foreign>vanua tpi siriṅ </foreign>(3r9)<foreign>. </foreign></p>
<p>1v5 The expression <foreign>ḍaṇḍa-kuḍaṇḍa </foreign>which apparently comes from Sanskrit term <foreign>ḍaṇḍa, </foreign>meaning punishment in general and fines as well, has been discussed by De Casparis (1991: 40). The scholar noted that it often appears at the end of the sentence, after a list of fines or such, so that it could mean all other kinds of fines that are not yet mentioned, or just indicate all (other) fines. We note also the expression <foreign>bhaṇḍihālādi </foreign>which in most cases comes after <foreign>ḍaṇḍa-kuḍaṇḍa</foreign> and whose meaning seems not yet to have been clarified. However, in one of its occurrences in this corpus, namely Barahasrama, we find a different form to write such expression, that is <foreign>bhaṇḍihāla ityaivamādi, </foreign>which is the prolonged form of the contraction <foreign>bhaṇḍihālādi</foreign>. Zoetmulder in OJED records<foreign> bhaṇḍihāla</foreign> under the base word <foreign>maṇḍi, </foreign>meaning “effective, poisonous, harmful, magically dangerous?”.</p>
<p>Zoetmulder 1982: 1107.</p>
<p>1v8 The expression <foreign>Ājñă haji </foreign>which serves as a heading for a new text segment expression the contents of the royal decree, is also found in Hujung Galuh (1r12) and Dalinan (1v3).</p>
<p>1v13 Here we have <foreign>pu </foreign>Kituh as the Rakryān Halu, while in the Barahasrama inscription (1v12) which was issued just a year after Tihang, this function is occupied by <foreign>pu </foreign>Ketuvijaya. Is it a mere coincidence that <foreign>kituh </foreign>and <foreign>ketu</foreign> have such similar pronunciations? If not, we are dealing here with an interesting phenomenon of equivalency between indigenous and Sanskrit names: the one may be the Javanization or, inversely, the Sanskritization of the other.</p>
<p>1v14 <foreign>pu </foreign>Uttara as the Lord of Gurun Vaṅi is also found in Sugih Manek (A30). In later inscriptions, he then became the Lord of Bavaṅ. Cf. Barahasrama (1v2, 1v12). However, only in this inscription his name is completed with <foreign>balavi-kiraṇa. </foreign></p>
<p><foreign/>1v14 <foreign>pu </foreign>Khaṭvāṅga as a <foreign>palar hyaṁ</foreign> figures in Barahasrama (1v13). In Kinewu (line 15), he is the Lord of Maṇḍyāṅin. In Lintakan, we have <foreign>saṅ </foreign>Khaṭvāṅga as a <foreign>patilaman</foreign>.</p>
<p>1v14 <foreign>kapuA sira kabaiḥ makobhaya Ikanaṁ pasak-pasak·</foreign>:<foreign/>Again, we encounter a phrase that seems to also be applied in some contemporary inscriptions. Cf. Wanua Tengah III 2r14.</p>
</div>
<div type="bibliography">
<!--
The inscription was separately deciphered shortly after its discovery by a researcher from BPCB Jawa Tengah, Soepraptiningsih and by the renowned scholar Boechari of Universitas Indonesia (UI). Soepraptiningsih brought it to the public as her paper for Kegiatan Ilmiah Arkeologi IAAI Komisariat Yogyakarta-Jawa Tengah on 30 November 1985. Although her reading was never formally published, it was used as a reference in Hery Santosa’s undergraduate thesis (1989), which attempted to offer a new edition of the inscription. Boechari did not himself publish his reading either, but it was included in the 2012 publication of his collected papers, a collaboration between EFEO/Jakarta and the Archaeology Department of UI. In preparing that publication, Arlo Griffiths had occasion to check Boechari’s typescript against the original in 2010, yielding a handful of small variant readings. At a next stage of preparation, Arlo Griffiths decided to silently correct Boechari’s edition on the points where it had been found to be incorrect. Although Griffiths’ own file distinguished between medial and initial vowels and consistently represented vowel killers, these features of the transliteration system were removed from the 2012 publication in order to remain more faithful to Boechari’s system. The edition offered here reproduces Griffiths’ result, which is more precise in terms of transliteration system but otherwise identical except in a very small number of cases to the edition previously established by Boechari. The reading is carried out by Tyassanti Kusumo Dewanti and Arlo Griffiths based on the photo taken by Arlo Griffiths in 2010. <foreign> </foreign>
-->
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Commentary
1v1 The meaning of the element siṅhajaya in the dating formula is obscure. If we compare other inscriptions of this period, we find only two others that have any element between yoga and irika divasa. They are nairti-deśa in Lintakan 1r1 and tvaṣṭā-devatā in Sugih Manek A4. Siṅhajaya cannot be a name of a deśa nor can it be the name of a devatā. There is a rāśi (zodiac sign) called Siṅha, but it does not appear in dating formulas before the 13th c.. See more in the apparatus 1v1.
Gomperts 2001: 110, 2000: 101–02.
de Casparis 1978: 53–54.
1v2 The village of Tihang does not figure elsewhere. Yet, the Tiru Raṇu district is attested in Poh (1v15), Palepangan (1v13), Bhatari (1v10) and Lintakan (3r7). The latter is written with a dental n.
1v2 The toponym saliṅsiṅan figures for the first time in the Kurambitan stone (ca. 700 Saka), in a form of an inscribed liṅga. It tells about a demarcation of 3 tampah of wet rice field in Kurambitan to be a sīma for the religious foundation (dharmma) at Saliṅsiṅan by the official(pamgat) of Tiru Ranu called pu Apus. In 796 Saka, pu Apus, who apparently has become the official (pamgat) of hino, demarcated the land of the religious foundation at Salingsingan into a sīma along with a wet rice field in Sri Manggala. This information is attested in the Sri Manggala stone. In the Salingsingan plate, dated 802 Saka, the deity of Salinsingan is mentioned in a context where the Great King, Lord of Kayuwangi presents some gold offerings to Him. Salingsingan figures again in the Indrakila stone, 804 Saka, as a region under district Wantil, before finally being mentioned here in this charter. About the location of this toponym, Soekmono, on the basis of the find spot of the Sri Manggala stone, proposed that Salingsingan might be located on the west slope of Mount Merapi. He went further by stating that the dharma I saliṅsingan may refer to either Candi Asu or Candi Lumbung. Another conjecture on the location of Salingsingan was brought up recently by Hadi Sidomulyo in his comment for toponyms mentioned in Tantu Panggelaran. The discussion figures under the toponym Arega Sela, which may be located in what is today Mount Goromanik, south of Pekalongan. Within this vicinity, a village named Rogoselo, which seems to retain the old toponym Arega Sela, has been remarked for its pre-Islam antiquities. Apart from it, Hadi Sidomulyo also noticed a name of a Moslem figure, Pangeran Slingsingan, among the Muslim graves in Rogoselo, which rings to him a place name Salingsingan, figures in several old Javanese inscriptions. Not a coincidence, in the east of Rogoselo, near a village named Reban, there was found the stele of Indrokilo, which records the purchase of land at Salingsingan for the benefit of a deity at Dihyang (Dieng). Hadi Sidomulyo then concluded that Salingsingan may locate close to the provenance of that inscription.
Stutterheim 1934: 85–93, Sarkar 1971–72, vol. I: 181–82 (no. XXVIII).
Brandes 1896: 89, 112, Sarkar 1971–72, vol. I: 194–96 (no. XXXII).
Cohen Stuart 1875: 20–1 (KO X), Sarkar 1971–72, vol. I: 232–40 (no. XLII).
Fifia Wardhani 2003, Edhie Wurjantoro 2018: 107–12.
Soekmono 1974: 66.
Robson and Hadi Sidomulyo 2021: 127–28.
1v3 Regarding pasaṅ gunuṅ, the meaning of this term is still not clear. It often figures in the 10th century charters. Cf. Wulakan (2r8), Kaladi (10r3), Rumwiga I (1v12), Rumwiga II (1v4). Based on the context given in the texts where it appears, Goris suggests that it is connected to tax paymentand synonymous with pasaṅ vukir. In inscriptions coming from Airlangga period, Kusambyan (B33) and Sima Anglayang (17r2–3), the term pasaṅ giri that might be synonymous with pasaṅ gunuṅ appears. In Modern Javanese and Bahasa indonesia, the term pasaṅ giri still exists. It means ‘condition, promise’ and ‘lottery’ in Modern Javanese, while in Bahasa Indonesia it means ‘sayembara dengan hadiah bagi pemenang terbaik atau yang unggul’.
Goris 1954 vol. II: 286.
1v3 The term avur might denote a sort of tax or payment also, but we do not know any single detail of it. Cf. Kasugihan (1v7).
1v3 Unidentified həbni pilaṅ term is not attested elsewhere in the Old Javanese epigraphic corpus, but since it figures in the list of the revenue, it must be a kind of levy. It is interesting to note that the word pilaṅ appears in the Wuru Tunggal inscription (1r7) as a toponym.
1v3 Still part of the list of revenue, the term palān is not attested elsewhere either. However, the second syllable, lān, is attested in the Wanua Tengah III inscription, along with savah, where its meaning also remains unknown but possibly linked to the word lahan in Malay.
1v3 The term pabayai is common to be found in the Airlangga period but is then written as pabaye. OJED records it under the base word baye/bayai, with the gloss ‘a functionary in a temple’. Cf. Cane (face C & d, line 8), Munggut (2.11), Anjatan (1r1), Turun Hyang (A23), Kemulan (line 6).
1v3 More than one instance of abbreviated expression are found in this sequence of revenue-related terms pabayai, sikpan,and pavalyan are in a parallel mention with uṇḍahagi and maṅanam, in which both of them are completed with parmmasan. Here, we assume that the inscription continues the list by eliding the word parmmasan. Such abbreviated expression is a common practice in epigraphic lists. In Sugih Manek, a shortening occurs when listing the gifts. The word mas (gold) is often omitted when the previous mention already stated that. The expression sovaṅ-sovaṅ also gets cut off, hence only one sovaṅ appears. Cf. Sugih Manek (A30–B15).
1v4 The term hurip lek must be linked to the pjah lek mentioned in the Barahasrama plate (1v3). The fact that these terms have opposite meanings implies a binary opposition either regarding periodicity of payment or its aim.
1v5 The toponym Limpar is also attested in the Kamalagi stone inscription (A17) as a lungguh of the same function, patih ri limpar, while in the Haliwangbang plate that belongs to the set of Polengan charters, Limpar figures as one of the vanua tpi siriṅ (3r9).
1v5 The expression ḍaṇḍa-kuḍaṇḍa which apparently comes from Sanskrit term ḍaṇḍa, meaning punishment in general and fines as well, has been discussed by De Casparis (1991: 40). The scholar noted that it often appears at the end of the sentence, after a list of fines or such, so that it could mean all other kinds of fines that are not yet mentioned, or just indicate all (other) fines. We note also the expression bhaṇḍihālādi which in most cases comes after ḍaṇḍa-kuḍaṇḍa and whose meaning seems not yet to have been clarified. However, in one of its occurrences in this corpus, namely Barahasrama, we find a different form to write such expression, that is bhaṇḍihāla ityaivamādi, which is the prolonged form of the contraction bhaṇḍihālādi. Zoetmulder in OJED records bhaṇḍihāla under the base word maṇḍi, meaning “effective, poisonous, harmful, magically dangerous?”.
Zoetmulder 1982: 1107.
1v8 The expression Ājñă haji which serves as a heading for a new text segment expression the contents of the royal decree, is also found in Hujung Galuh (1r12) and Dalinan (1v3).
1v13 Here we have pu Kituh as the Rakryān Halu, while in the Barahasrama inscription (1v12) which was issued just a year after Tihang, this function is occupied by pu Ketuvijaya. Is it a mere coincidence that kituh and ketu have such similar pronunciations? If not, we are dealing here with an interesting phenomenon of equivalency between indigenous and Sanskrit names: the one may be the Javanization or, inversely, the Sanskritization of the other.
1v14 pu Uttara as the Lord of Gurun Vaṅi is also found in Sugih Manek (A30). In later inscriptions, he then became the Lord of Bavaṅ. Cf. Barahasrama (1v2, 1v12). However, only in this inscription his name is completed with balavi-kiraṇa.
1v14 pu Khaṭvāṅga as a palar hyaṁ figures in Barahasrama (1v13). In Kinewu (line 15), he is the Lord of Maṇḍyāṅin. In Lintakan, we have saṅ Khaṭvāṅga as a patilaman.
1v14 kapuA sira kabaiḥ makobhaya Ikanaṁ pasak-pasak·:Again, we encounter a phrase that seems to also be applied in some contemporary inscriptions. Cf. Wanua Tengah III 2r14.