Bakul rock (C. 23), 751 Śaka

Editors: Arlo Griffiths, Salomé Pichon.

Identifier: DHARMA_INSCIC00023.

Languages: Old Cham, Sanskrit.

Repository: Campa (tfc-campa-epigraphy).

Version: 2024-09-16 00:32 (a2d4f44), last modified 2024-04-24 01:50 (19e4040).

Edition

Logical
Physical
Full

Inscription exposed

⟨01⟩ śrī

I. Anuṣṭubh

⟨1⟩ ⟨Zone a⟩vikrānteśvaralokau yau

⟨Zone b⟩tayor nr̥pau sa nāyakaḥ

⟨2⟩ ⟨Zone a⟩samanta⟨ḥ⟩ prathito nāmnā

⟨Zone b⟩tasya puṇyam idaṁ matam·||

II. Anuṣṭubh

⟨3⟩ ⟨Zone a⟩vihārau deva-kule ⟦dvau⟧⟨⟨dve⟩⟩

⟨Zone b⟩jina-śaṅkarayos tayoḥ||

⟨4⟩ ⟨Zone a⟩pūjanārthaṁ prakurute

⟨Zone b⟩tāṅ gatiṁ pragataś śubhām·

III. Upajāti

⟨5⟩ humā-tavov· saṁgaṇitas tu pāt-pluḥ

kṣetran tu khāryyā{ḥ} daśa ma¡stā!ṅke

⟨6⟩ paratra bhūrīcchati bhogam āryyaṁ

prādāj jināyaiva manaś-śubhena

IV. Anuṣṭubh

⟨7⟩ ⟨Zone a⟩samanta-putras sthaviraḥ

⟨Zone b⟩buddhanirvvāṇa-saṁjñakaḥ

⟨⟨ ⟨15⟩ kāvyasya karaṇañ cakre⟩⟩

⟨⟨ ⟨16⟩ jñātaye bhūtale nr̥ṇām·||⟩⟩

⟨8⟩ humā pralauṅ·|| humā padaiṅ·|| ney· śaka vanuḥ humā dvā nan· ⟨9⟩ 751|| ⟨10⟩ yāṅ· maṇḍara di parvvata|| ⟨11⟩ vihāra devarakṣa di krauṅ·|| ⟨12⟩ yāṅ· praṇaveśvara di mandauḥ|| ⟨13⟩ vihāra ney· Avista nan· sā pu ⟨14⟩ pov· puṇya||

Trials unexposed

⟨17⟩ śrīyy(i) śrīrājavi(ḥ)

Apparatus

Inscription exposed

⟨1⟩ nr̥pau ⬦ gupau B • Bergaigne adds to his reading the note: “Pour guptau ? Le contexte suggérerait plutôt gatau : mais cette correction serait trop éloignée du texte”.

⟨3⟩ ⟦dvau⟧⟨⟨dve⟩⟩ • Bergaigne notes that “dvau, qui était une faute, a été remplacé par dve, que le graveur a simplement ajouté à la suite”.

⟨4⟩ pūjanārthaṁ F ⬦ svajanārthaṁ B.

⟨5⟩ humā-tavov· • Barth notes on Bergaigne’s edition: “Je lis humātavor”. The second v is more elongated than the previous one, but is still clearly different from the shape of r in this hand. — ⟨5⟩ daśa ma¡stā!ṅke ⬦ daśa-ma¿stā?⟨stakā⟩ṅke B • Unmetrical. Bergaigne’s reading as a single compound emended to daśamastakāṅke, where Daśamastaka is interpreted a toponym, does not seem plausible. The fact that the Cham numerical expression pāt-pluḥ, in the preceding pāda, means “four ten”, i.e. “forty”, may be relevant in searching for a solution. Presuming that it is, I interpret the text as intended to convey masta in the (alas virtually unattested) meaning “measured”, and would resolve the metrical irregularity in one of the following ways: emend “mastam aṅke”, resolve sandi as masta Aṅke (wrong sandhi intended to express the locative absolute that should be maste ’ṅke), or resolve sandhi in the same way but keep a compound (masta-Aṅke). Other possibilities: emend to obtain the word hasta or vyāma.

⟨8⟩ pralauṅ· ⬦ praloṅ· A. — ⟨8⟩ padaiṅ ⬦ padeṅ· A; ṭadaiṅ· F.

⟨10⟩ parvvata ⬦ parvata A.

⟨11⟩ devarakṣa ⬦ devaraksa A. — ⟨11⟩ krauṅ· ⬦ kroṅ· A.

⟨12⟩ mandauḥ ⬦ mandoḥ A.

Translation by Arlo Griffiths

I

Of the two kings, Vikrānta[varman] and Īśvaraloka, the one renowned by the name Samanta, was the commander. This meritorious work is deemed to be his.

II

He fashions the two monasteries and the two temples of the Jina and of Śaṅkara, in order to worship the two. He has set out to this beautiful destination.

III

On the one hand (tu), the sugarcane field is counted as forty, on the other (tu) the ricefield as ten, when the number is measured by the khārī. He wishes much noble enjoyment in the afterlife. He gave [them] only to the Jina with purity of mind.

IV

Samanta’s son, the elder called Buddhanirvāṇa, carried out the composition of the poem for men on earth to know it.

(9–14) The field Pralauṅ, the field Padaiṅ — this is the Śaka [year] of the donation of those two fields: 751. God Mandara on the mountain. The Devarakṣa monastery on the river. God Praṇaveśvara at Mandauḥ. This monastery. All of it is one meritorious work of the gentleman (pu pov).

Commentary

The composition of this text and the execution of its mise en pierre are unusually sloppy. Due to scribal inadvertence, the second hemistich of stanza IV was initially skipped, and appears only in the final two lines after the Cham-language prose part that should have stood at the bottom of the text. Metrical irregularities are observed in stanzas II (esp. pāda a) and III (pāda b). The resolution of the latter possibly requires assuming an error of sandhi, while it is certain that the visarga in khāryyāḥ daśa in that same pāda cannot be accepted, and the same stanza also involves inconsistencies in the use of tenses (which I have smoothed over in my translation). Such errors, and unusual word order as in manaś-śubhena (stanza III, where expected śubha-manasā is avoided for metrical reasons), suggest rather strong influence on the Sanskrit composition from the author’s mother tongue, presumably Cham, as does his willingness to insert Cham words into the Sanskrit text (again, in stanza III). The fact that the text is not a royal inscription may mean the work was carried out by a relatively less qualified clerk and artisan.

I

On the interpretation of this stanza, where Īśvaraloka is the posthumous name of king Satyavarman, see Griffiths and Southworth 2011, p. 295.

III

Previous scholars have not recognized that tavov here must be the Old Cham word for “sugarcane” (Aymonier and Cabaton 1906, p. 179, s.vv. tabău, etc.). The words humā and pāt pluḥ mean, respectively, “field” and “forty” in Old Cham. Regarding the second half of the stanza, it is likely that ārya is practically equivalent in meaning to “Buddhist”, while the word bhoga may express the technical meaning “economic resource”. An alternative translation could therefore be as follows: “He wishes much [enjoyment] in the afterlife, [so] beautiful in mind he gave the Buddhist resource only to the Jina”.

(13–14) The final sentence Avista nan· sā pu pov· puṇya is hard to parse. I tentatively assume that we must read pu-pov-puṇya as though it were a Sanskrit possessive compound, even though only the element puṇya is from Sanskrit and the sentence as a whole is formulated in Old Cham.

Bibliography

The Old Cam part was edited by É. Aymonier (1891, pp. 25–27, № 396), with French word-for-word gloss; the Sanskrit part was edited by A. Bergaigne (1885-1893, pp. 237–241, № XXV (396)), with translation into French; textual notes were offered by L. Finot (1903, pp. 633–634, № V). Bergaigne’s edition of the Sanskrit text was published again by R. C. Majumdar (1927), with translation into English. The two parts were first put together by K.-H. Golzio (2004, pp. 55–56), with translation into English. The text is re-edited and freshly translated here by Arlo Griffiths, based on the available estampages and autopsy of the stone.

Primary

[A] Aymonier, Étienne. 1891. “Première étude sur les inscriptions tchames.” JA, pp. 5–86. [URL]. Pages 25–27, item 396.

[B] Barth, Auguste and Abel Bergaigne. 1885-1893. Inscriptions sanscrites de Campā et du Cambodge. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale. [URL] [URL]. Pages 237–241, item XXV (396).

[M] Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra. 1927. Ancient Indian colonies in the Far East, Vol. I: Champa. Punjab Oriental (Sanskrit) Series 16. Lahore: The Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot. [URL]. Book III, pages 65–67, item 28.

Secondary

Bergaigne, Abel. 1888. “L’ancien royaume de Campā, dans l’Indo-Chine, d’après les inscriptions.” JA 8 (11), pp. 5–105. [URL]. Pages 27, 71, 78.

[F] Finot, Louis. 1903. “Notes d’épigraphie, V : Pāṇḍuraṅga.” BEFEO 3, pp. 630–648. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.1903.1260. [URL]. Pages 18–19, item V.

Parmentier, Henri. 1909. Inventaire descriptif des monuments čams de l’Annam. Tome premier: Description des monuments. Paris: Imprimerie nationale. [URL]. Page 79.

Finot, Louis. 1915. “Notes d’épigraphie, XIV : Les inscriptions du musée de Hanoi.” BEFEO 15 (2), pp. 1–38. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.1915.5229. [URL]. Pages 11, 47.

Golzio, Karl-Heinz. 2004. Inscriptions of Campā: Based on the editions and translations of Abel Bergaigne, Étienne Aymonier, Louis Finot, Édouard Huber and other French scholars and of the work of R. C. Majumdar; newly presented, with minor corrections of texts and translations, together with calculations of given dates. Aachen: Shaker Verlag. Pages 55–56.

Griffiths, Arlo and William Aelred Southworth. 2011. “Études du corpus des inscriptions du Campā, II: La stèle d'installation de Śrī Ādideveśvara, une nouvelle inscription de Satyavarman trouvée dans le temple de Hoà Lai et son importance pour l'histoire du Pāṇḍuraṅga.” JA 299 (1), pp. 271–317. DOI: 10.2143/JA.299.1.2131066. [URL]. Pages 294–295.

Griffiths, Arlo, Amandine Lepoutre, William Aelred Southworth and Thành Phần. 2008-2009. “Études du corpus des inscriptions du Campā, III: Épigraphie du Campa 2009-2010: prospection sur le terrain, production d'estampages, supplément à l'inventaire.” BEFEO 95, pp. 435–497. DOI: 10.3406/befeo.2008.6118. [URL]. Pages 446, 481–484, 486.

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<p>A relavitely irregular hand. Bergaigne: <q>L'écriture n'est pas celle des inscriptions de Vikrāntavarman. Elle manque tout à fait, non seulement d'élégance, mais de régularité [...] Cependant, les caractères, pris isolément, sont aussi semblables que possible à ceux du VIIIe siècle śaka, tels qu'on le recontre dans les inscriptions de Satyavarman et d'Indravarman Ier</q>. Can it be identified with the one responsible for C. 14 and C. 25? If so, my comment on non-royal = less professional in commentary needs to be revised.</p>

<p>The space between lines 7 and 8 where the engraver forgot to write the second half of stanza IV is marked by a kākapada within a circle; the same mark, at the start of line 15, indicates the addition written as the bottom of the text.</p>

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<l n="a"><lb n="1"/><milestone unit="zone" n="a"/>vikrānteśvaralokau yau</l>

<l n="b"><milestone unit="zone" n="b"/>tayor nr̥pau sa nāyakaḥ</l>

<l n="c"><lb n="2"/><milestone unit="zone" n="a"/>samanta<supplied reason="omitted">ḥ</supplied> prathito nāmnā</l>

<l n="d"><milestone unit="zone" n="b"/>tasya puṇyam idaṁ matam·<g type="ddanda">.</g></l>

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<l n="a" real="-+++--++"><lb n="3"/><milestone unit="zone" n="a"/>vihārau deva-kule <subst><del rend="corrected">dvau</del><add place="inline">dve</add></subst></l>

<l n="b"><milestone unit="zone" n="b"/>jina-śaṅkarayos tayoḥ<g type="ddanda">.</g></l>

<l n="c" real="+-+++--+"><lb n="4"/><milestone unit="zone" n="a"/>pūjanārthaṁ prakurute</l>

<l n="d"><milestone unit="zone" n="b"/>tāṅ gatiṁ pragataś śubhām·</l>

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<l n="a"><lb n="5"/><foreign xml:lang="ocm-Latn">humā-tavov·</foreign> saṁgaṇitas tu <foreign xml:lang="ocm-Latn">pāt-pluḥ</foreign></l>

<l n="b" real="++-++--+++">kṣetran tu khāryyā<surplus>ḥ</surplus> daśa ma<orig>stā</orig>ṅke</l>

<l n="c"><lb n="6"/>paratra bhūrīcchati bhogam āryyaṁ</l>

<l n="d">prādāj jināyaiva manaś-śubhena</l>

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<l n="a"><lb n="7"/><milestone unit="zone" n="a"/>samanta-putras sthaviraḥ</l>

<l n="b"><milestone unit="zone" n="b"/>buddhanirvvāṇa-saṁjñakaḥ</l>

<l n="c"><add place="bottom" rend="mark"><lb n="15"/>kāvyasya karaṇañ cakre</add></l>

<l n="d"><add place="bottom" rend="mark"><lb n="16"/>jñātaye bhūtale nr̥ṇām·<g type="ddanda">.</g></add></l>

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<p xml:lang="ocm-Latn"><lb n="8"/>humā pralauṅ·<g type="ddanda">.</g> humā padaiṅ·<g type="ddanda">.</g> ney· śaka vanuḥ humā dvā nan·

<lb n="10"/>yāṅ· maṇḍara di parvvata<g type="ddanda">.</g>

<lb n="11"/>vihāra devarakṣa di krauṅ·<g type="ddanda">.</g>

<lb n="12"/>yāṅ· praṇaveśvara di mandauḥ<g type="ddanda">.</g>

<lb n="13"/>vihāra ney· Avista nan· sā pu

<lb n="14"/>pov· puṇya<g type="ddanda">.</g></p>

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<head xml:lang="eng">Trials unexposed</head>

<ab><lb n="17"/>śrīyy<unclear>i</unclear> śrīrājavi<unclear>ḥ</unclear></ab>

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<head xml:lang="eng">Inscription exposed</head>

<rdg source="bib:Barth+Bergaigne1885-1893_01">gupau</rdg>

<note>Bergaigne adds to his reading the note: <q xml:lang="fra">Pour <foreign>guptau</foreign> ? Le contexte suggérerait plutôt <foreign>gatau</foreign> : mais cette correction serait trop éloignée du texte</q>.</note>

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<note>Bergaigne notes that <q xml:lang="fra"><foreign>dvau</foreign>, qui était une faute, a été remplacé par <foreign>dve</foreign>, que le graveur a simplement ajouté à la suite</q>.</note>

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<rdg source="bib:Barth+Bergaigne1885-1893_01">svajanārthaṁ</rdg>

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<lem>humā-tavov·</lem>

<note>Barth notes on Bergaigne's edition: <q xml:lang="fra">Je lis <foreign>humātavor</foreign></q>. The second <foreign>v</foreign> is more elongated than the previous one, but is still clearly different from the shape of <foreign>r</foreign> in this hand.</note>

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<rdg source="bib:Barth+Bergaigne1885-1893_01">daśa-ma<choice><sic>stā</sic><corr>stakā</corr></choice>ṅke</rdg>

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<rdg source="bib:Aymonier1891_01">praloṅ·</rdg>

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<rdg source="bib:Aymonier1891_01">padeṅ·</rdg>

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<lem>parvvata</lem>

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<lem>devarakṣa</lem>

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<lem>krauṅ·</lem>

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<p rend="stanza" n="1">Of the two kings, Vikrānta<supplied reason="subaudible">varman</supplied> and Īśvaraloka, the one renowned by the name Samanta, was the commander. This meritorious work is deemed to be his.</p>

<p rend="stanza" n="2">He fashions the two monasteries and the two temples of the Jina and of Śaṅkara, in order to worship the two. He has set out to this beautiful destination.</p>

<p rend="stanza" n="3">On the one hand <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>tu</foreign></supplied>, the sugarcane field is counted as forty, on the other <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>tu</foreign></supplied> the ricefield as ten, when the number is measured by the <foreign>khārī</foreign>. He wishes much noble enjoyment in the afterlife. He gave <supplied reason="subaudible">them</supplied> only to the Jina with purity of mind.</p>

<p rend="stanza" n="4">Samanta's son, the elder called Buddhanirvāṇa, carried out the composition of the poem for men on earth to know it.</p>

<p n="9-14">The field Pralauṅ, the field Padaiṅ — this is the Śaka <supplied reason="subaudible">year</supplied> of the donation of those two fields: 751. God Mandara on the mountain. The Devarakṣa monastery on the river. God Praṇaveśvara at Mandauḥ. This monastery. All of it is one meritorious work of the gentleman <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>pu pov</foreign></supplied>.</p>

</div>

<p>The composition of this text and the execution of its <foreign xml:lang="fra">mise en pierre</foreign> are unusually sloppy. Due to scribal inadvertence, the second hemistich of stanza IV was initially skipped, and appears only in the final two lines after the Cham-language prose part that should have stood at the bottom of the text. Metrical irregularities are observed in stanzas II <supplied reason="explanation">esp. <foreign>pāda</foreign> a</supplied> and III <supplied reason="explanation"><foreign>pāda</foreign> b</supplied>. The resolution of the latter possibly requires assuming an error of sandhi, while it is certain that the <foreign>visarga</foreign> in <foreign>khāryyāḥ daśa</foreign> in that same <foreign>pāda</foreign> cannot be accepted, and the same stanza also involves inconsistencies in the use of tenses <supplied reason="explanation">which I have smoothed over in my translation</supplied>. Such errors, and unusual word order as in <foreign>manaś-śubhena</foreign> <supplied reason="explanation">stanza III, where expected <foreign>śubha-manasā</foreign> is avoided for metrical reasons</supplied>, suggest rather strong influence on the Sanskrit composition from the author's mother tongue, presumably Cham, as does his willingness to insert Cham words into the Sanskrit text <supplied reason="explanation">again, in stanza III</supplied>. The fact that the text is not a royal inscription may mean the work was carried out by a relatively less qualified clerk and artisan.</p>

<p rend="stanza" n="1">On the interpretation of this stanza, where Īśvaraloka is the posthumous name of king Satyavarman, see <bibl><ptr target="bib:Griffiths+Southworth2011_01"/><citedRange unit="page">295</citedRange></bibl>.</p>

<p rend="stanza" n="3">Previous scholars have not recognized that <foreign>tavov</foreign> here must be the Old Cham word for <q>sugarcane</q> (<bibl><ptr target="bib:Aymonier+Cabaton1906_01"/><citedRange unit="page">179</citedRange><citedRange unit="entry"><foreign>tabău</foreign>, etc.</citedRange></bibl>). The words <foreign>humā</foreign> and <foreign>pāt pluḥ</foreign> mean, respectively, <q>field</q> and <q>forty</q> in Old Cham.

<!-- Dhātupāṭha, PW (whence MW) records a class-IV root mas, 'to measure, mete', and derived nominal forms masa, masana, masti. MW further records a ppp masta 'measured'.

In Böhtlingk's edition of the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the appendix giving the Dhātupāṭha, I indeed find "masī parimāṇe (pariṇāme)" as entry 4.112. -->

Regarding the second half of the stanza, it is likely that <foreign>ārya</foreign> is practically equivalent in meaning to <q>Buddhist</q>, while the word bhoga may express the technical meaning <q>economic resource</q>. An alternative translation could therefore be as follows:

<q>He wishes much <supplied reason="subaudible">enjoyment</supplied> in the afterlife, <supplied reason="subaudible">so</supplied> beautiful in mind he gave the Buddhist resource only to the Jina</q>.</p>

<p n="13-14">The final sentence <foreign>Avista nan· sā pu pov· puṇya</foreign> is hard to parse. I tentatively assume that we must read <foreign>pu-pov-puṇya</foreign> as though it were a Sanskrit possessive compound, even though only the element <foreign>puṇya</foreign> is from Sanskrit and the sentence as a whole is formulated in Old Cham.</p>

</div>

<p>The Old Cam part was edited by É. Aymonier (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Aymonier1891_01"/><citedRange unit="page">25-27</citedRange><citedRange unit="item">396</citedRange></bibl>), with French word-for-word gloss; the Sanskrit part was edited by A. Bergaigne (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Barth+Bergaigne1885-1893_01"/><citedRange unit="page">237-241</citedRange><citedRange unit="item">XXV (396)</citedRange></bibl>), with translation into French; textual notes were offered by L. Finot (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Finot1903_04"/><citedRange unit="page">633-634</citedRange><citedRange unit="item">V</citedRange>, n. 2</bibl>). Bergaigne's edition of the Sanskrit text was published again by R. C. Majumdar (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Majumdar1927_01"/></bibl>), with translation into English. The two parts were first put together by K.-H. Golzio (<bibl rend="omitname"><ptr target="bib:Golzio2004_01"/><citedRange unit="page">55-56</citedRange></bibl>), with translation into English. The text is re-edited and freshly translated here by Arlo Griffiths, based on the available estampages and autopsy of the stone.</p>

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- the Sanskrit stanzas are lain out in two columns

- besides the exposed part forming the inscription proper, the lower part of the estampage revelas some trial engravings that would not have been visible in the original exposition of the stone, and are indeed hidden again in the manner the stone is exposed at the Hanoi Museum

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