Barahasrama (837 Śaka, 915-12-14)

1v2. This name, pu Ketuvijaya, appears also in the Wintang Mas Inscription (841 Saka), where his title is already rakryān mapatih I hino, while in this inscription, he still bears the title rakryān mapatih I halu. In another inscription which was issued in the same year (Lintakan), the one bearing the title rakryān mapatih I hino was pu Ketudhara. Van der Meulen assumed that pu Ketuvijaya and pu Ketudhara were two names for the same person. Another interesting fact, this figure presumably has two versions of appellation. In Tihang inscription 836 Saka (1v13), we have pu Kituh who bears the same rakryān I halu title and sounds like the indigenous version of ketu in Ketuvijaya or even Ketudhara. Different opinion is proposed by Poerbatjaraka and Krom, as summarized in Barrett Jones. Both scholars consider this figure as Wawa, Sindok’s successor. Poerbatjaraka highlights the fact that va is often interchangeable with ba, thus vava could also mean bava, meaning “carry”. Given that dhara in the name Ketudhara also mean the same thing, Poerbatjaraka then establishes his conjecture that Rakryan Wawa is equal to Ketudhara. While for Krom, he gives more emphasize on the regularity and sequence of the high dignitaries mentioned in the charter. Because Sindok figures as a hino in Wawa’s charter, and that under Tulodhong’s reign he was a halu, the same succession is applied by Krom to understand Wawa’s position, hence Ketudhara, who appears as a hino in Tulodhong period — as well as in the end of Daksa period—, will be the principal personage after it, meaning he is the same figure as Wawa.

van der Meulen 1979: 49.

Poerbatjaraka 1930: 182, Krom 1931: 199.

Barrett Jones 1984: 3.

1v2 In Daksa corpus, pu Uttara as the Lord of Bavaṅ figures exclusively in this inscription. In Tihang (1v14) and Sugih Manek (A30), he was the Lord of Gurun Vaṅi.

1v2 vanua Poh Galuh is attested in Bhatari (1v17), while Er Kuwing is not attested elsewhere.

1v3. Stutterheim suggests that skar tahun is an annual tribute which possibly consists of anything that is considered to be a good crop.

Stutterheim 1925: 262–63.

1v3 For Avur, please see in Tihang’s commentary section (1v3)

1v3 For arik-arik, cross reference with Kiringan (1r3).

1v3 The pjah lek could be considered as any kind of tax or payment. Though in this passage, the meanings of the other terms are not yet understood, and we can only guess that skar tahun, avur and arik-arik are types of taxes. However, it seems promising and we can at least rely on the context given in the Tihang inscription (1v4), where the term hurip lek is attested in the context of something payable. The occurrences of these opposite words indeed gives us the impression of payments that have to be made in different circumstances. This observation also lends support to the assumption for the rest of the terms in this sentence that they designate kinds of taxes or other types of payment.

1v4 barāhāśrama does not figure elsewhere. Yet, it might have a connection with the deity Vishnu, as varāha is one of Vishnu’s avatars in the form of a boar.

1v4. The toponym sārayū quite probably refers to the river still called Serayu today, which passes through five districts located in the southern part of Central Java province: Wonosobo, Banjarnegara, Purbalingga, Banyumas and Cilacap. So far, there is no other occurence of this river in other Old Javanese epigraphic corpora.

1v4 The passive form kasaṁsiptā is not recorded in OJED as a variant which belongs to the base word saṅsipta – it only lists sinaṅsipta – or to saṅkṣipta which is a variant of the aforementioned base word. For these base words, OJED records a variety of meanings, the most common being ‘in short’. Elsewhere in this corpus, saṅsipta also figures. Cf. Sugih Manek B15 and Lintakan (3r10), both of them use the expression tlas saṅsipta.

1v8 The presence of the expression muhun və̄ṅi draws a particular attention since in the later period of Old Javanese epigraphic record (12tth–13th century) exists such expression that quite resembles with our concerned expression here, namely riṅ muhun malama. Cf. Mula Malurung (5v5), Adulengen (3r1), Sima Anglayang (4r6). Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan and Arlo Griffiths (forthcoming) consider the expression muhun və̄ṅi as the early equivalent of riṅ muhun malama figuring in Airlangga corpus. The word malama sounds connected to the Malay word malam, meaning night, while in the former expression, it has the word və̄ṅi instead. Here we seem to encounter a stage of expression development, from muhun və̄ṅi to muhun malama, where some linguistic phenomena intervene on its process. Its meaning revolves around the idea of ‘the former times’ as indicated by the word muhun (earlier, before, preceding). However, the idea of “night” being applied to this expression, even until being substituted in later times by other language, is still not yet clear. Possibly due to its long-term use among the community which slowly puts an end to the initial understanding of this expression.

1v8 Here we have made a long observation on the word pratīti which has some meanings adhered to it. According to the standard Sanskrit Online dictionary, Monier-Williams dictionary, pratīti can mean: going towards, approaching; the following from anything (as a necessary result), being clear or intelligible by itself, Vedântas; clear apprehension or insight into anything, complete understanding or ascertainment, conviction. On the other hand, we also notice the similarity between pratīti and pratyaya which happen to have been derived from the same verb so that both of these words are apparently synonymous. One of the technical meanings of pratyaya is “income” and might as well be applied here.

1v8 Here, the unrecorded word tūn was initially attempted to be understood as the passive irrealis form of “tū”, meaning “to bind”. The word vka which precedes tūn might be one of proverbial expressions appearing in this charter. The meaning revolves around the idea of “bounded by the children”. However, that structure irritates us a bit, because tūn should stand before vka. Later, a passage from Jaring charter from Kediri period mentioning vka temvan (A18), which might mean “adopted children” somewhat reiminds us of the expression vka tūn figuring here, hence we apply that understanding into the translation.

1v9 The preserved phrase on the plate reads kambaṁ ḍulaṁ, tali ket, which is hard to understand since we barely have any other epigraphic records of this expression. The word ḍulaṅ, meaning “to feed (child, sick person), to put (something) into one’s mouth”, figures in some inscriptions from East Java in the context of rājāmāṅśa privileges. Cf. Waharu II (4r2) tutuñjuṁ, sāriniṁ tuñjuṁ, ḍulaṁ paṇḍarahan·, caṁvriṁ miraḥ, Ajnu halaṁ, vija kuniṁ, Sobhamerta (2r3) manaṇḍaṅa valī, ḍularaṇḍarahan·, tuñjuṁ hijo, hurip anak·, navagraha, Gandhakuti (1v5–2r1) mavijākuniṁ, Anṇḍaṅa vali, *ḍulaṁ paṁṇḍarahan·,*Adodota tuñjuṁ Ijo, kuñit sadaṅan·, navagraha, pasiliḥ galuḥ, Hantang (Cd5) malsuṅa naṅka, Apalaṅkālpar·, vnaṅāḍulaṅa bvaḥ kamalai vnaṅāpaluṅana tutup· banantən·, Talan (Cd9–Cd10) vnaṅā huluna ḍayaṁ, Arabya ḍayaṁ kamambaṅan·, Amaṅa rājamāṁsa, Aḍulaṅa bvaḥ kamalai, Aguntiṅa riṁ saL̥, Anitā riṁ saL̥, Agama-gamāna kayu kuniṁ. All those examples associate ḍulaṅ either with fruit (in the last two passages) or with flowers (tuñjuṅ). The same pattern occurs in this inscription, where kambaṅ, signifying either flower or nipple, stands close to ḍulaṅ. Here, we seems to encounter another expression that covers up the preceding proverbial list of good works starting from Ikanaṁ kukarmma in 1v8. Therefore we tentatively translate this last part as: “nipple that feeds, rope that intertwines”.

1v11 Our tentative translation of ron smat is “pinned leaves”. This might raise a problem, since OJED records smat as pin (noun) and not in the passive meaning “pinned”. However, since this phrase occurs in the context of offerings, and in view of the fact that in offerings nowadays’ pinned leaves are commonly observed, we opt to understand the word as such.

1v11 vulu in OJED apparently is not only recorded as ‘hair on the body’ or something related to it. Looking down on the lists, we found pamulu, meaning complexion, color of the skin (color of the hair on the skin?) and apamulu, meaning having the complexion (color) of. Thus we can now consider safely that vulu here might carry the meaning of “color”. Speaking of color, we also have the phrase vras caturvvarṇna in 1v11 and 1v12 which is translated as “uncooked rice in four colors”. The phrase continues, saying that there should be one steaming basket per color (vulu), so that in total it would be four steaming baskets (vras· caturvvarṇna kukusan· 1 Iṁ savulu-savulu‚ piṇḍa kukusan· 4 vavānya). This whole string demonstrates a good instance of vulu and varṇna being used together while sharing the same meaning, namely “color”. However, varṇna (in OJED is recorded as varṇa), can also mean “caste”, as it is widely known in India indeed to denote social class, in which the color of the people can also plays a role in determining it. This connection between color and social class hence still shows in the meaning of the word varṇna. Does the same scene also apply in the word vulu? Well, it might be the case since one can also find another meaning for it in OJED (see vulu II), which is “person of an inferior social status (having an occupation which is considered inferior)”. vulu thus can be regarded as an Old Javanese concept of Indian varṇna, but possibly is more related to one’s occupational status. Titi Surti Nastiti Eko Bastiawan and Arlo Griffiths (forthcoming) provide a plethora of discussion in this enigmatic word appearing in Airlangga corpus. Cf. Munggut (2.2–3) and Garaman (4r1–4v2). He also indicates that, the meaning of “color” and “social class” in the word vulu still can fit in some contexts, hence further examination is always needed.

Chandrasekhar 1946: 152.

1v13. The specific function of this official, palar hyaṅ, is not really clear. Zoetmulder associates it with a religious official, but a question mark remains in the entry. Besides, he put a synonymous expression for this: paṅgil hyaṅ.

1v14 ḍapunta Vidyānidhi appears in Tlu Ron (line 25) likhita śilalekha saṁ hadyan· sumuḍan· ḍapunta vidyānidhi,and in Lintakan (1r13) parujar· I halu visāga saṁ vidyāni_dhi, Anak banuA I hilyan· vatak· padlagan. So, he was a scribe in Balitung’s reign, then during Daksa’s reign he became a kaṇḍamuhi, and later during Tulodhong’s reign was assigned as a visāga.

1v14 The function vatu varaṇi is attested in:

Ramwi 804 (1r12–13) parujar I hino 2 kaṇḍamuhi saṁ caṭā, vatu varaṇi saṁ vidyāṅga; Samalagi (1v14–15) parujar· I hino kaṇḍamuhi si t(uṅga)ṁ vanuA I gunuṅan· vatak ta_ṅkilan· (ci)tralekha vuṅkal· varaṇi si manəsər· vanuA I tamaliṅgaṁ vatak· sirikan·;

Panggumulan (1v16–2v1) parujarr i hino saṁ kaṇḍamuhi si tuṅgaṁ Anak vanuA I gunuṅan· vatak taṅkil· citralekha saṁ vatu varani si manəsər· Anak vanuA I tamaliṅgaṁ vatak· sirikan·, (3v8) manurat· praśasti vatu varani;

Dalnan (2r6–7) saṁ mamu(At)· (par)ujar· I hi(no) saṁ kaṇḍamuhi si haṅgə ci[tra]lekha saṁ vatu varaṇi si manəsər·

Poh (1v14) parujar· I hino saṁ kaṇḍamuhi pu tuṅgaṁ Anak vanuA I gunuṅan· vatak· taṅkilan·, citralaikhā saṁ vatu varani pu manəsə:r· Anak vanuA I tutuganniṁ taṇḍa I taṅkilan·.

Rukam (1v11) parujar· I hino saṁ kaṇḍamuhi saṁ brahmīśāna Anak banuA I gunuṁṅan· vatak· taṁkilan· citralekha vatu varaṇi pu manisar· Anak banuA I tamaliṅgaṁ vatak· sirikan·

Jeru-jeru (B1) vatu varaṇ(ī) saṁ nītī

Its synonymous term, vuṅkal varani, figures in:

Kubu-kubu (5v3) saṁ mamvatt ujār· I hino, kaṇḍamuhi pu tuṅgaṁ, citralekha vuṅkal· varaṇi, pu manəsər·;

Wanua Tengah III (2r12) saṁ parujar· Iṁ kabalān· I hino kaṇḍamuhi pu tuṁṅgaṁ, citralekha vuṅkal· varaṇi pu manəsər·

Lintakan (1r13–14) Anurat· I hino Iṁ paṅujaran· (v)uṅkal· varaṇi saṁ śuddha.

Two remarks:

(1) The post for vatu varaṇi during Kayuwangi’s reign was assigned to saṅ Vidyāṅga, fast forward to Balitung’s reign, it was pu Manəsər who held the position. Coming to Daksa’s reign, it was pu Maṅhalaṅi, and during Tulodhong’s reign, saṅ Śuddha appeared. This function ismentioned more rarely during Sindok’s reign. So far, it only figures in Gulung-Gulung (B11) and Jeru-jeru (B1), held by saṅ Nītī, which is written as saṅ Nidhi in the first inscription.

(2) this function always follows the kaṇḍamuhi and seems to engage in writing activities, as shown with the word citralekha and anurat in Panggumulan, Poh, Kubu-kubu and Lintakan. Interesting to note, although perhaps has no connection at all, in modern Malay and Indonesian, a term called batu berani exists and is nearly perceived as a magnet.

vatu varani also figures as a toponym in Sindok corpus. Cf. Anjuk Ladang (A68, A70).

1v14 pu Vīrya as a visāga also figures in Samalagi (1v16) parujar· I halu viṣaga si viryya Anak vanuA I pakalaṁkyaṅan vatak· pagər vsi, Panggumulan A (2v1) parujar ri halu saṁ viṣaga si vīryya Anak vanuA I pakalaṁkyaṅan· vatak· pagar vsi. On this function, which does not appear in OJED, not much can be known. In the Balitung corpus, it always appears after kaṇḍamuhi and vatu varaṇi. Cf. Samalagi (1v15), Panggumulan A (2v1), Dalinan (2r7), Poh (1v14), Rukam (1v12), Wanua Tengah III (2r12), while in Sindok corpus, it follows kaṇḍamuhi and citralekha. Cf. Paradah II (A38), Muncang (B15), Alasantan (2r14).

1v14 hujuṅ galuḥ as a function appears in Kayuwangi corpus and lasts until Sindok’s reign. Cf. Humanding (2r5), Jurungan (4r6), Taragal (2r2), Samalagi (1v6), Panggumulan A (2v1–2), Dalinan (2r7), Poh (1v15), Kubu-kubu (5v4), Rukam (1v12), Wanua Tengah III (2r13–14), Lintakan (1r14), Sangguran (B4–5), Linggasuntan (A37), Gulung-gulung (B11), Jeru-jeru (B2), Hering (d32–33), Anjuk Ladang (A38–39). An instance of hujuṅ galuḥ as a toponym occurs as early as in Balitung’s reign and then reoccurs in one of Airlangga’s inscriptions. Cf. Hujung Galuh (1r5) and Kamalagyan (line 12). However, little is known about its exact occupation.

1v17 vuluṅ katak figures in Talaga Tanjung (B6 and B11). Both is expressed with the term svāmi, hence svāmi vuluṅ katak. In Balitung corpus, vuluṅ katak occurs in Bhatari (1v17). Interesting to note, Talaga Tanjung is also found in Wonosobo area, while the provenance of Bhatari needs to be rechecked. However, some toponym that are attested in Bhatari can be found in either Talaga Tanjung or Barahasrama.

The edition of Talaga Tanjung can be found in Brandes 1913: 8–10 (no. VII) and Sarkar 1971–72, vol. I: 165–70 (no. XXIV). For other details, including date, see Damais 1952: 32–33 (no. A. 25), Damais 1955: 27, Nakada 1982: 80–81 (no. I. 29).

1v22 limo susu figures in Talaga Tanjung (B15)

1v27 tamblaṅ pañjaṅ figures in Talaga Tanjung (B14) with a slight different spelling: tamvalaṅ pañjaṅ.